Multiculturalism is the coexistence of multiple cultures. The word is used in sociology, in political philosophy, and colloquially. In sociology and everyday usage, it is usually a synonym for ethnic or cultural pluralism
In reference to sociology, multiculturalism is the end-state of either a natural or artificial process, such as legally controlled immigration, and occurs on either a large national scale or on a smaller scale within a nation's communities. On a smaller scale, this can occur artificially when a jurisdiction is established or expanded by amalgamating areas with two or more different cultures (e.g. French Canadians and English Canada). On a large scale, it can occur as a result of either legal or illegal migration to and from different jurisdictions around the world.
In reference to political science, multiculturalism can be defined as a state's capacity to effectively and efficiently deal with cultural plurality within its sovereign borders. Multiculturalism as a political philosophy involves ideologies and policies which vary widely. It has been described as a "salad bowl" and as a cultural mosaic, in contrast to a melting pot, or cultural amalgamation.
Scholars such as Ibrahim Menek suggest that states that embody multicultural ideals have existed since ancient times. The Achaemenid Empire founded by Cyrus the Great followed a policy of incorporating and tolerating various cultures.
Europe has historically known great diversity in terms of ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups, far outnumbering the number of nation-states. Local and regional identities were strong, with each region and town having its own dialect, customs, and traditions. From the 16th century larger nation states were formed. This process gained momentum after the French Revolution and consolidated in the 19th century.
The Habsburg monarchy, which existed from 1282 to 1918, stood in contrast to the emerging trend of nation-state formation in Europe. It encompassed a mosaic of languages, religions, and regional identities, resisting the centralizing and homogenizing tendencies that characterized nation-state development elsewhere. Issues such as social and cultural differentiation, multilingualism, competing identity offers or multiple cultural identities were already shaping the scientific theories of many thinkers of this multi-ethnic empire.
Especially since the 19th century societies in Europe and North America have become culturally more homogeneous due to the consolidation of the nation-state. Governments promoted national identities through education, conscription, and the standardization of languages. In France, for instance, the promotion of French led to the decline of regional languages such as Breton language and Occitan language. Likewise, in Western Europe, the use of many local dialects decreased. In addition, the rigid religious divides in Western countries softened due to the declining influence of organized religion and the advance of secularization. This pattern repeated itself elsewhere in Europe and North America, where national unification was accompanied by cultural homogenization.
In the 19th century, millions of people from diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds migrated to the United States and Europe, in search of better economic opportunities or to escape persecution. The U.S. was a melting pot of groups such as Irish, Italian, Chinese, German, and Jewish immigrants, who were often initially perceived as threats to the national identity. At the beginning of the 20th century, 14.7% of the U.S. population were immigrants, about the same as at the start of the 21st century.
Nationalism further accelerated cultural homogenization in the 20th century. For example after World War I, much of the former ethnic diversity in the area of the former Habsburg monarchy disappeared. Under the influence of nationalist ideologies, ethnic minorities were disadvantaged, forced to emigrate or even murdered in most regions in the area of the former Habsburg monarchy due to the prevailing nationalism at the time. In many areas, these ethnic mosaics no longer exist in the 21st century. The ethnic mix of that time can only be experienced in a few areas, such as in the former Habsburg port city of Trieste.
Globalization has further reduced cultural differences. The emergence of an increasingly global youth culture in the 1920s, which accelerated significantly from the 1950s onward, made it easier for young people around the world to find shared reference points in food, music, film, literature, and other forms of artistic expression. International travel and the rise of television and the internet promoted the development of both national and international culture. The spread of English as a global language, Hollywood films, and the universal availability of fast-food chains such as McDonald's are all signs of a world becoming increasingly culturally homogeneous. Although urban areas tend to show greater ethnic diversity, the variation between regions and countries has declined, which is often seen as a loss of cultural diversity.
Homogenization is taking place worldwide in the 21st century, with the decline of minority languages a major indicator of this trend. It has been estimated that every two weeks language death along with its last speaker.
The Canadian government has often been described as the instigator of multicultural ideology because of its public emphasis on the social importance of immigration. The Canadian Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism is often referred to as the origins of modern political awareness of multiculturalism. Canada has provided provisions to the French-speaking majority of Quebec, whereby they function as an autonomous community with special rights to govern the members of their community, as well as establish French as one of the official languages. In the Western English-speaking countries, multiculturalism as an official national policy started in Canada in 1971, followed by Australia in 1973 where it is maintained today. Recently, right-of-center governments in several European Union states – notably the Netherlands and Denmark – have reversed the national policy and returned to an official monoculturalism.Bissoondath, Neil. 2002. Selling Illusions: The Myth of Multiculturalism. Toronto: Penguin. . A similar reversal is the subject of debate in the United Kingdom, among others, due to evidence of incipient segregation and anxieties over "home-grown" terrorism. Fact or fiction in the great UK immigration debate. workpermit.com. News. 26 April 2005. Retrieved: 21 October 2007. Several heads-of-state or heads-of-government have expressed doubts about the success of multicultural policies: The United Kingdom's ex-Prime Minister David Cameron, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, Australia's ex-prime minister John Howard, Spanish ex-prime minister José María Aznar and French ex-president Nicolas Sarkozy have voiced concerns about the effectiveness of their multicultural policies for integrating immigrants.
Many nation-states in Africa, Asia, and the Americas are culturally diverse and are 'multicultural' in a descriptive sense. In some, ethnic communalism is a major political issue. The policies adopted by these states often have parallels with multiculturalist policies in the Western world, but the historical background is different, and the goal may be a mono-cultural or Monoethnicity nation-building – for instance in the Malaysian government's attempt to create a 'Malaysian race' by 2020.The Economist: The changing of the guard, 3 April 2003.
In a study concluded in 2007, Harvard University professor of political science Robert D. Putnam conducted a nearly decade-long study on how multiculturalism affects social trust. He surveyed 26,200 people in 40 American communities, finding that when the data were adjusted for class, income and other factors, the more racially diverse a community is, the greater the loss of trust. People in diverse communities "don't trust the local mayor, they don't trust the local paper, they don't trust other people and they don't trust institutions," writes Putnam. In the presence of such ethnic diversity, Putnam maintains that, "We hunker down. We act like turtles. The effect of diversity is worse than had been imagined. And it's not just that we don't trust people who are not like us. In diverse communities, we don't trust people who do not look like us". Putnam has also stated, however, that "this allergy to diversity tends to diminish and to go away... I think in the long run we'll all be better."Martin, Michel, " Political Scientist: Does Diversity Really Work?" Tell Me More, NPR. Written 15 August 2007, accessed 15 September 2017. Putnam denied allegations he was arguing against diversity in society and contended that his paper had been "twisted" to make a case against race-conscious admissions to universities. He asserted that his "extensive research and experience confirm the substantial benefits of diversity, including racial and ethnic diversity, to our society."
In a 2003 book On Genetic Interests, Ethnologist Frank Salter writes:
Relatively homogeneous societies invest more in public goods, indicating a higher level of public altruism. For example, the degree of ethnic homogeneity correlates with the government's share of gross domestic product as well as the average wealth of citizens. Case studies of the United States, Africa and South-East Asia find that multi-ethnic societies are less charitable and less able to cooperate to develop public infrastructure. Moscow beggars receive more gifts from fellow ethnics than from other ethnies . A recent multi-city study of municipal spending on public goods in the United States found that ethnically or racially diverse cities spend a smaller portion of their budgets and less per capita on public services than do the more homogeneous cities.Salter, Frank, On Genetic Interests, 2003, p. 146.
Research psychologist Kenan Malik has criticized the views of Frank Salter, arguing that the main issue with Salter’s argument is not so much the politically sensitive aspects, but rather the points he shares with broader debates on the evolution of ethnocentrism and identity politics. Malik argues that Salter pays insufficient attention to historical context. In Salter’s view group differences are portrayed as a constant and universal feature of human nature. Malik argues that this approach can lead to a distorted interpretation of empirical data. Malik also criticized the theory of ethnic nepotism, and argued that the field studies of favoritism shown to of the benefactor's ethnic group are best explained by cultural factors.
While there is research that suggests that ethnic diversity increases chances of war, lower public goods provision and decreases democratization, there is also research that shows that ethnic diversity in itself is not detrimental to peace, public goods provision or democracy. Rather, it was found that promoting diversity actually helps in advancing disadvantaged students. A 2018 study in the American Political Science Review cast doubts on findings that ethnoracial homogeneity led to greater public goods provision. A 2015 study in the American Journal of Sociology challenged past research showing that racial diversity adversely affected trust.
Racial and ethnic labels can have a significant impact: non-minorities primed to think of themselves as White Americans (versus European American) were subsequently less in favor of multiculturalism and were more racially prejudiced. This was due to decreases in identification with ethnic minorities.
In multicultural societies the first-past-the-post voting system can increase ethnic conflict compared to proportional representation. Multicultural societies with identity politics can result in elections mirroring the identity or ethnic headcount, incentivizing demographic engineering. Electoral system to prevent ethnic conflict in multicultural societies was found ineffective.
In A Letter Concerning Toleration (1689), John Locke acknowledged that political disturbances were frequently justified in religious terms, but maintained that such unrest typically stemmed from the mistreatment of religious minorities rather than from the beliefs of particular faiths. He argued that any group subjected to systematic discrimination would be likely to resist such conditions. From this perspective, stable social order was seen as more effectively achieved through equal civil rights and legal toleration than through enforced conformity.Locke, John. "Toleration." McMaster University Archive. 1689. 16 December 2025.
Historically, support for modern multiculturalism stems from the changes in Western societies after World War II, in what Susanne Wessendorf calls the "human rights revolution", in which the horrors of institutionalized racism and ethnic cleansing became almost impossible to ignore in the wake of the Holocaust; with the collapse of the Colonial empire, as colonized nations in Africa and Asia successfully fought for their independence and pointed out the discriminatory underpinnings of the colonial system; and, in the United States in particular, with the rise of the civil rights movement, which criticized ideals of assimilation that often led to prejudices against those who did not act according to Anglo-American standards and which led to the development of academic ethnic studies programs as a way to counteract the neglect of contributions by racial minorities in classrooms.Susanne Wessendorf, The multiculturalism backlash: European discourses, policies and practices, p. 35; accessed through Google Books, 12 February 2011.Paul C. Gorski, "A Brief History of Multicultural Education", EdChange.org, November 1999; accessed 12 February 2011. As this history shows, multiculturalism in Western countries was seen to combat racism, to protect minority communities of all types, and to undo policies that had prevented minorities from having full access to the opportunities for freedom and equality promised by the liberalism that has been the hallmark of Western societies since the Age of Enlightenment.
Will Kymlicka argues for "group differentiated rights", that help both religious and cultural minorities operate within the larger state as a whole, without impinging on the rights of the larger society. He bases this on his opinion that human rights fall short in protecting the rights of minorities, as the state has no stake in protecting the minorities.
C. James Trotman argues that multiculturalism is valuable because it "uses several disciplines to highlight neglected aspects of our social history, particularly the histories of women and minorities ...and promotes respect for the dignity of the lives and voices of the forgotten. By closing gaps, by raising consciousness about the past, multiculturalism tries to restore a sense of wholeness in a postmodern era that fragments human life and thought."
Tariq Modood argues that in the early years of the 21st century, multiculturalism "is most timely and necessary, and ... we need more not less", since it is "the form of integration" that (1) best fits the ideal of egalitarianism, (2) has "the best chance of succeeding" in the "post-9/11, post 7/7" world, and (3) has remained "moderate and pragmatic".
Bhikhu Parekh counters what he sees as the tendencies to equate multiculturalism with racial minorities "demanding special rights" and to see these as promoting a "thinly veiled racism". Instead, he argues that multiculturalism is in fact "not about minorities" but "is about the proper terms of the relationship between different cultural communities", which means that the standards by which the communities resolve their differences, e.g., "the principles of justice" must not come from only one of the cultures but must come "through an open and equal dialogue between them."
Balibar characterizes criticisms of multiculturalism as "differentialist racism", which he describes as a covert form of racism that does not purport ethnic superiority as much as it asserts stereotypes of perceived "incompatibility of life-styles and traditions".
Sarah Song views cultures as historically shaped entities by its members, and that they lack boundaries due to globalization, thereby making them stronger than others might assume. She goes on to argue against the notion of special rights as she feels cultures are mutually constructive, and are shaped by the dominant culture. Brian Barry advocates a difference-blind approach to culture in the political realm and he rejects group-based rights as antithetical to the universalist liberal project, which he views as based on the individual.Brian Barry, Culture and Equality (Polity Press, 2001), p. 148.
Susan Moller Okin, a feminist professor of political philosophy, argued in 1999, in "Is multiculturalism bad for women?", that the principle that all cultures are equal means that the equal rights of women in particular are sometimes severely violated.
Dick Lamm, former three-term Democratic governor of the US state of Colorado, argued that "diverse peoples worldwide are mostly engaged in hating each other—that is, when they are not killing each other. A diverse, peaceful, or stable society is against most historical precedent."
The American classicist Victor Davis Hanson used the perceived differences in "rationality" between Moctezuma and Cortés to argue that Western culture was superior to every culture in the entire world, which thus led him to reject multiculturalism as a false doctrine that placed all cultures on an equal footing.Hanson, Victor Davis Carnage and Culture: Landmark Battles in the Rise to Western Power, New York: Random House, 2001. p. 205
In New Zealand (Aotearoa), which is officially bi-cultural, multiculturalism has been seen as a threat to the Māori as an attempt by the New Zealand Government to undermine Māori demands for self-determination and encourage assimilation.
Far-right sympathisers have been shown to increasingly take part in a multitude of online discursive efforts directed against global brands' multicultural advertisements.
Cities such as São Paulo are home to migrants from Japan, Italy, Lebanon, Portugal, and Africa. There is a multicultural presence in this city, and this is prevalent throughout Brazil. Furthermore, Brazil is a country that has made great strides to embrace migrant cultures. There has been increased awareness of anti-blackness and active efforts to combat racism. However, there is still a lack of school engagement in these matters.
Multiculturalism is reflected in the law through the Canadian Multiculturalism Act and section 27 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Canadian multiculturalism is often seen as cherishing immigrant ways of life from outside the country, and as such, it is looked upon with admiration resulting in dismissing of most critics of the concept. The Broadcasting Act of 1991 asserts the Canadian broadcasting system should reflect the diversity of cultures in the country. This conceptual transition of multiculturalism is also reflected in Canada's official discourse, where attitudes about "multiculturalism" have shifted to focus on "diversity," driven by increasing immigration rates. It now emphasizes Canada's growing multicultural makeup and the diversity of ethnic and racial groups within the country adhering to a politics of recognition, rather than a politics of interrogation that could have been instrumental in addressing dominant power dynamics and the privileges that affect marginalized groups. Multiculturalism in Canada is often globally recognized as one of the country's significant accomplishments in diversity management, and a key distinguishing element of Canadian national identity.
In a 2002 interview with The Globe and Mail, Karīm al-Hussainī, the 49th Aga Khan of the Ismaili, described Canada as "the most successful pluralist society on the face of our globe", citing it as "a model for the world". He explained that the experience of Canadian governance—its commitment to pluralism and its support for the rich multicultural diversity of its people—is something that must be shared and would be of benefit to all societies in other parts of the world. The Economist ran a cover story in 2016 praising Canada as the most successful multicultural society in the Western world. The Economist argued that Canada's multiculturalism was a source of strength that united the diverse population and by attracting immigrants from around the world was also an engine of economic growth as well. The influence of the transitioned ideology of multiculturalism in the public sphere has led many public and private groups in Canada to work toward supporting both multiculturalism and recent immigrants to Canada. In an effort to support recent Filipino immigrants to Alberta, for example, one school board partnered with a local university and an immigration agency to support these new families in their school and community.
It is estimated that 18.8 million Colombians are direct descendants of Europeans, either by one of their parents or grandparents. Mainly from Spain, Italy, Germany, Poland and England, they represent 37% of its population. The Arab people descent also predominates in the country. The Syrians, Lebanese and Arab Colombians are the largest post-independence immigrants to the country, so much so that Colombia has the second largest Arab diaspora in Latin America, with a little more than 3.2 million descendants, which represents 6.4% of its population.
Article 7 of the constitution enshrines recognition and protection of Colombia's multicultural and multiethnic nature.
Mexico City has recently been integrating rapidly, doing much better than many cities in a sample conducted by the Intercultural Cities Index (being the only non-European city, alongside Montreal, on the index). Mexico is an ethnically diverse country with a population composed of approximately 123 million in 2017. There is a wide variety of ethnic groups, the major group being followed by White Mexicans and Indigenous Mexicans. There are many other ethnic groups such as Arab Mexicans, Afro-Mexicans and Asian Mexicans.
From the year 2000 to 2010, the number of people in Mexico that were born in another country doubled, reaching a total of 961,121 people, mostly coming from Guatemala and the United States. Mexico is quickly becoming a melting pot, with many immigrants coming into the country. It is considered to be a cradle of civilization, which influences their multiculturalism and diversity, by having different civilizations influence them. A distinguishable trait of Mexico's culture is the mestizaje of its people, which caused the combination of Spanish influence, their indigenous roots while also adapting the culture traditions from their immigrants.
Continuous mass immigration was a feature of the United States economy and society since the first half of the 19th century. The absorption of the stream of immigrants became, in itself, a prominent feature of America's national myth. The idea of the melting pot is a metaphor that implies that all the immigrant cultures are mixed and amalgamated without state intervention.Zangwill, Israel. The Melting Pot, 1908. The melting pot theory implied that each individual immigrant, and each group of immigrants, assimilated into American society at their own pace. This is different from multiculturalism as it is defined above, which does not include complete assimilation and integration. The melting pot tradition co-exists with a belief in national unity, dating from the American founding fathers:
As a philosophy, multiculturalism began as part of the pragmatism movement at the end of the 19th century in Europe and the United States, then as political and cultural pluralism at the turn of the 20th century. It was partly in response to a new wave of European imperialism in sub-Saharan Africa and the massive immigration of Southern and Eastern Europeans to the United States and Latin America. Philosophers, psychologists and historians and early sociologists such as Charles Sanders Peirce, William James, George Santayana, Horace Kallen, John Dewey, W. E. B. Du Bois and Alain Locke developed concepts of cultural pluralism, from which emerged what we understand today as multiculturalism. In Pluralistic Universe (1909), William James espoused the idea of a "plural society". James saw pluralism as "crucial to the formation of philosophical and social humanism to help build a better, more egalitarian society.
The educational approach to multiculturalism has since spread to the grade school system, as school systems try to rework their curricula to introduce students to diversity earlier – often on the grounds that it is important for minority students to see themselves represented in the classroom. Jesse Kirkpatrick. (2011). Miami Beach: Diversity at Work. Miami Beach News. Retrieved from communitynewspapers.com Studies estimated 46 million Americans ages 14 to 24 to be the most diverse generation in American society. In 2009 and 2010, controversy erupted in Texas as the state's curriculum committee made several changes to the state's requirements, often at the expense of minorities. They chose to juxtapose Abraham Lincoln's inaugural address with that of Confederate president Jefferson Davis; Historians speak out against proposed Texas textbook changes Michael Birnbaum, 18 March 2010. they debated removing Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall and labor-leader Cesar Chavez The Culture Wars' New Front: U.S. History Classes in Texas, Stephanie Simon, 14 July 2009. and rejected calls to include more Hispanic figures, in spite of the high Hispanic population in the state. Texas Conservatives Win Curriculum Change, James C. McKinley Jr., 12 March 2010.
According to a 2000 analysis of domestic terrorism in the United States, "A distinctive feature of American terrorism is the ideological diversity of perpetrators. White racists are responsible for over a third of the deaths, and black militants have claimed almost as many. Almost all of the remaining deaths are attributable to Puerto Rican nationalists, Islamic extremists, revolutionary leftists and emigre groups." Twenty years later, far-right and white racists were observed as the leading perpetrators of domestic terrorism in the U.S. According to a 2020 study by the Strategic & International Studies, right-wing extremists are responsible for the murder of 329 people since 1994 (over half due to the terrorist bombing of the 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah building in Oklahoma City, which killed 168 people).
In the nineteenth century, the ideology of nationalism transformed the way Europeans thought about the state. Existing states were broken up and new ones created; the new nation-states were founded on the principle that each nation is entitled to its own sovereignty and to engender, protect, and preserve its own unique culture and history. Unity, under this ideology, is seen as an essential feature of the nation and the nation-state; unity of descent, unity of culture, unity of language, and often unity of religion. The nation-state constitutes a culturally society, although some national movements recognised regional differences.
Where cultural unity was insufficient, it was encouraged and enforced by the state. The nineteenth century nation-states developed an array of policies – the most important was compulsory primary education in the national language. The language itself was often standardised by a linguistic academy, and regional languages were ignored or suppressed. Some nation-states pursued violent policies of cultural assimilation and even ethnic cleansing.
Some countries in the European Union have introduced policies for "social cohesion", "integration", and (sometimes) "assimilation". The policies include:
Other countries have instituted policies which encourage cultural separation. The concept of "Cultural exception" proposed by France in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) negotiations in 1993 was an example of a measure aimed at protecting local cultures.
This unique arrangement has been called by historians a "multicultural cliche".Detrez, Raymond; Segaert, Barbara, 2008, Europe and the Historical Legacies in the Balkans (Multiple Europes), P.I.E. Peter Lang s.a., , p. 55 It has also become known as "The Square of Religious Tolerance"Ban, Ki-moon, The World in the next 20 years and has initiated the construction of a 100-square-metre scale model of the site that is to become a symbol of the capital.
Furthermore, unlike some other Nazi Germany allies or German-occupied countries excluding Denmark, Bulgaria managed to save its entire 48,000-strong Jewish population during World War II from deportation to Nazi concentration camps. According to Dr Marinova-Christidi, the main reason for the efforts of Bulgarian people to save their Jewish population during WWII is that within the region, they "co-existed for centuries with other religions" – giving it a unique multicultural and multiethnic history.
Consequently, within the Balkan region, Bulgaria has become an example for multiculturalism in terms of variety of religions, artistic creativity The Highs and Lows of Ethno-Cultural Diversity: Young People’s Experiences of Chalga Culture in Bulgaria, Apostolov, Apostol, Anthropology of East Europe Review, Vol 26, No 1 (2008), Cambridge University Press and ethnicity.Ruegg, Francois, 2007, Interculturalism and Discrimination in Romania: Policies, Practices, Identities and Representations, Lit Verlag, Hristova, Svetlana, 2004, Bulgarian Politics of Multiculturalism – uses and abuses, Scientific Research, University Publishing House, South-West University, Blagoevgrad Its largest ethnic minority groups, Turks and Roma, enjoy wide political representation. In 1984, following a campaign by the Communist regime for a forcible change of the Islamic names of the Turkish minority,The history of Turkish community in Bulgaria, Ibrahim YalamovThe Human Rights of Muslims in Bulgaria in Law and Politics since 1878, Bulgarian Helsinki Committee, 2003The Bulgarian state and Bulgarian Turks (to the mid-1930s until the early-1990s), Bulgarian Archive State Agency an underground organisation called «National Liberation Movement of the Turks in Bulgaria» was formed which headed the Turkish community's opposition movement. On 4 January 1990, the activists of the movement registered an organisation with the legal name Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) (in Bulgarian: Движение за права и свободи: in Turkish: Hak ve Özgürlükler Hareketi) in the Bulgarian city of Varna. At the moment of registration, it had 33 members, at present, according to the organisation's website, 68,000 members plus 24,000 in the organisation's youth wing [16]. In 2012, Bulgarian Turks were represented at every level of government: local, with MRF having mayors in 35 municipalities, at parliamentary level with MRF having 38 deputies (14% of the votes in Parliamentary elections for 2009–13) and at executive level, where there is one Turkish minister, Vezhdi Rashidov. 21 Roma political organisations were founded between 1997–2003 in Bulgaria.
Although there was a presence of, Vietnamese in France since the late-nineteenth century (mostly students and workers), a wave of Vietnamese migrated after 1954. These migrants consisted of those who were loyal to the colonial government and those married to French colonists. Following the partition of Vietnam, students and professionals from South Vietnam continued to arrive in France. Although many initially returned to the country after a few years, as the Vietnam War situation worsened, a majority decided to remain in France and brought their families over as well. La Diaspora Vietnamienne en France un cas particulier (in French)
This period also saw a significant wave of immigrants from Algeria. As the Algerian War started in 1954, there were already 200,000 Algerian immigrants in France."Le film: deux siècles d'histoire de l'immigration en France." http://www.histoire-immigration.fr/histoire-de-l-immigration/le-film However, because of the tension between the Algerians and the French, these immigrants were no longer welcome. This conflict between the two sides led to the Paris Massacre of 17 October 1961, when the police used force against an Algerian demonstration on the streets of Paris. After the war, after Algeria gained its independence, the free circulation between France and Algeria was once again allowed, and the number of Algerian immigrants started to increase drastically. From 1962–75, the Algerian immigrant population increased from 350,000 to 700,000."En 1962, lors de l'Indépendance, ils sont 350 000. En 1975 les émigrants algériens sont 710 000 et constituent le deuxième groupe d'étrangers après les Portugais." "De 1945 à 1975." Many of these immigrants were known as the "", and the others were known as the "pieds-noirs". The "harkis" were Algerians who supported the French during the Algerian War; once the war was over, they were deeply resented by other Algerians, and thus had to flee to France. The "pieds-noirs" were European settlers who moved to Algeria, but migrated back to France since 1962 when Algeria declared independence.
According to Erik Bleich, multiculturalism in France faced stiff resistance in the educational sector, especially regarding recent Muslim arrivals from Algeria. Gatekeepers often warned that multiculturalism was a threat to the historic basis of French culture.Erik Bleich,. "From international ideas to domestic policies: Educational multiculturalism in England and France." Comparative Politics (1998): 81–100 online.
Jeremy Jennings finds three positions among elites regarding the question of reconciling traditional French Republican principles with multiculturalism. The traditionalists refuse to make any concessions and instead insist on clinging to the historic republican principles of "laïcité" and the secular state in which religion and ethnicity are always ignored. In the middle are modernising republicans who uphold republicanism but also accept some elements of cultural pluralism. Finally there are multiculturalist republicans who envision a pluralist conception of French identity and seek an appreciation of the positive values brought to France by the minority cultures.Jeremy Jennings, "Citizenship, Republicanism and Multiculturalism in Contemporary France," British Journal of Political Science (2000) 30#4 575–597.
A major attack on multiculturalism came in Stasi Commission of 2003 which denounces "Islamism" as deeply opposed to the mainstream interpretations of French culture. It is portrayed as a dangerous political agenda that will create a major obstacle for Muslims to comply with French secularism or "laïcité ".Jennifer A. Selby, "Islam in France reconfigured: Republican Islam in the 2010 Gerin report." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 31.3 (2011): 383–398. Murat Akan, however, argues that the Stasi Report and the new regulations against the hijab and religious symbols in the schools must be set against gestures toward multiculturalism, such as the creation of Muslim schools under contract with the government.Murat Akan, "Laïcité and multiculturalism: the Stasi Report in context," British Journal of Sociology (2009) 60#2 pp 237–256 online.
The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community of Germany is the first Muslim group to have been granted "corporation under public law status", putting the community on par with the major Christian churches and Jewish communities of Germany.
In the 1990s, the public debate were generally optimistic on immigration and the prevailing view was that a multicultural policy would reduce the social economic disparities over time.
This policy subsequently gave way to more assimilationist policies in the 1990s and post-electoral surveys uniformly showed from 1994 onwards that a majority preferred that immigrants assimilated rather than retained the culture of their country of origin.
Following the September 11 attacks in the United States and the murders of Pim Fortuyn (in 2002) and Theo van Gogh (in 2004), there was increased political debate on the role of multiculturalism in the Netherlands.
Lord Sacks, Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of the Commonwealth, made a distinction between tolerance and multiculturalism, citing the Netherlands as a tolerant, rather than multicultural, society. In June 2011, the First Rutte cabinet said the Netherlands would turn away from multiculturalism: "Dutch culture, norms and values must be dominant" Minister Donner said.
Sweden has the most permissive policies while Denmark the most restrictive ones.
A 2018 study found that increases in local ethnic diversity in Denmark caused "rightward shifts in election outcomes by shifting electoral support away from traditional "big government" left‐wing parties and towards anti‐immigrant nationalist parties."
For decades, Danish immigration policy was built upon the belief that, with support, immigrants and their descendants would eventually reach the same levels of education as Danes. In a 2019 report, the Danish Immigration Service and the Ministry of Education found this to be false. The report found that, while the second-generation immigrants without a Western background do better than their parents, the same is not true for third-generation immigrants. One of the reasons given was that second-generation immigrants may marry someone from their country of origin, which may cause Danish not to be spoken at home, which would put the children at a disadvantage in school. Thereby, the process of integrating has to start from the beginning for each generation.
In 2015, during the European migrant crisis, a total of 31,145 asylum seekers, most of whom came from Afghanistan and Syria, crossed the Norwegian border. In 2016, the number of asylum seekers dramatically reduced by almost 90%, with 3460 asylum seekers coming to Norway. This was partly due to the stricter border control across Europe, including an agreement between the EU and Turkey.
As of September 2019, 15 foreign residents who had travelled from Norway to Syria or Iraq to join the Islamic State have had their residence permits revoked.
The Progress Party has named the reduction of high levels of immigration from non-European countries one of their goals:
An extreme form of opposition to immigration in Norway were the 22/7 attacks carried out by the terrorist Anders Behring Breivik on 22 July 2011. He killed 8 people by bombing government buildings in Oslo and massacred 69 young people at a youth summer camp held by the Labour Party, who were in power at the time. He blamed the party for the high level of Muslim immigration and accused it of "promoting multiculturalism"." Prime minister: Norway still 'an open society' despite 'the horror'" CNN, 25 July 2011
Sweden was the first country to adopt an official policy of multiculturalism in Europe. On 14 May 1975, a unanimous Swedish parliament passed an act on a new multiculturalist immigrant and ethnic minority policy put forward by the social democracy government, that explicitly rejected the ideal ethnic homogeneity and the policy of assimilation. The three main principles of the new policy were equality, partnership and freedom of choice. The explicit policy aim of the freedom of choice principle was to create the opportunity for minority groups in Sweden to retain their own languages and cultures. From the mid-1970s, the goal of enabling the preservation of minorities and creating a positive attitude towards the new officially endorsed multicultural society among the majority population became incorporated into the Swedish constitution as well as cultural, educational and media policies. Despite the anti-multiculturalist protestations of the Sweden Democrats, multiculturalism remains official policy in Sweden.
A 2008 study which involved questionnaires sent to 5,000 people, showed that less than a quarter of the respondents (23%) wanted to live in areas characterised by cultural, ethnic and social diversity.
A 2014 study published by Gävle University College showed that 38% of the population never interacted with anyone from Africa and 20% never interacted with any non-Europeans. The study concluded that while physical distance to the country of origin, also religion and other cultural expressions are significant for the perception of cultural familiarity. In general, peoples with Christianity as the dominant religion were perceived to be culturally closer than peoples from Muslim countries.
A 2017 study by Lund University also found that social trust was lower among people in regions with high levels of past non-Nordic immigration than among people in regions with low levels of past immigration. The erosive effect on trust was more pronounced for immigration from culturally distant countries.
Radio Television of Vojvodina broadcasts program in ten local languages. The project by the Government of AP Vojvodina titled "Promotion of Multiculturalism and Tolerance in Vojvodina", whose primary goal is to foster the cultural diversity and develop the atmosphere of interethnic tolerance among the citizens of Vojvodina, has been successfully implemented since 2005. Serbia is continually working on improving its relationship and inclusion of minorities in its effort to gain full accession to the European Union. Serbia has initiated talks through Stabilisation and Association Agreement on 7 November 2007.
Each people within their territories has the right to practice their customs and traditions and even to impose their own laws, as is the case in Chechnya, as long as they do not violate federal and constitutional laws of the Russian Federation.
Religiously, Hindus form the majority, followed by Muslims. The statistics are: Hindu (79.8%), Muslim (14.2%), Christians (2.3%), Sikh (1.7%), Buddhist (0.7%), Jain (0.4%), Irreligion (0.23%), Baháʼís, Jews, Zoroastrians, and others (0.65%). Linguistically, the two main language families in India are Indo-Aryan (a branch of Indo-European) and Dravidian. In India's northeast, people speaking Sino-Tibetan group of languages such as Meitei language (Meitei-lon) and Bodo recognized by the Indian constitution and Austroasiatic languages are commonly found. India (officially) follows a three-language policy. Hindi (spoken in the form of Hindustani) is the official federal language, Indian English has the federal status of associate/subsidiary official language and each state has its own state official language (in the Hindi sprachraum, this reduces to bilingualism). Further, India does not have any national language. The Republic of India's state boundaries are largely drawn based on linguistic groups; this decision led to the preservation and continuation of local ethno-linguistic sub-cultures, except for the Hindi sprachraum which is itself divided into many states. Thus, most states differ from one another in language, culture, Indian cuisine, clothing, literary style, architecture, music and festivities.
India has encountered religiously motivated violence, such as the Moplah Riots, the Bombay riots, the 1984 Sikh genocide, the 1990 Exodus of Kashmiri Hindus, the 2002 Gujarat riots, the 2008 Mumbai attacks, the 2012 Assam violence, the 2013 Muzaffarnagar riots, and the 2020 Delhi riots. This has resulted from traditionally disadvantaged communities in public employment such as the policing of the same locality, apprehension of owners in giving properties for sale or rent and of society in accepting inter-marriages.
Indonesia's national motto, Bhinneka Tunggal Ika ("Unity in Diversity" lit. "many, yet one") enshrined in Pancasila the national ideology, articulates the diversity that shapes the country. The government nurtures and promotes the diversity of Indonesian local culture; adopting a pluralist approach.
Due to migration within Indonesia (as part of government transmigration programs or otherwise), there are significant populations of ethnic groups who reside outside of their traditional regions. The Javanese for example, moved from their traditional homeland in Java to the other parts of the archipelago. The expansion of the Javanese and their influence throughout Indonesia has raised the issue of Javanization, although Minangkabau, Malay Indonesian, Madurese, Bugis and Makassar people, as a result of their merantau (migrating) culture are also quite widely distributed throughout the Indonesian archipelago, while Chinese Indonesians can be found in most urban areas. Because of urbanization, major Indonesian cities such as Greater Jakarta, Surabaya, Bandung, Palembang, Medan and Makassar have attracted large numbers of Indonesians from various ethnic, cultural and religious backgrounds. Jakarta in particular has almost all Indonesian ethnic groups represented.
However, this transmigration program and close interactions between people of different cultural backgrounds caused socio-cultural problems, as the inter-ethnics interactions have not always been conducted harmoniously. After the Post-Suharto era in 1998 into the 2000s, a number of inter-ethnic and inter-religious clashes erupted in Indonesia. Like the clashes between native Dayak people tribes against Madurese people migrants in Kalimantan during the Sanggau Ledo riots in 1996–1997, the Sambas riots in 1999, and the Sampit conflict in 2001. There were also clashes between Muslims and Christians, such as Poso riots between 1998 and into 2000, and violences in Maluku between 1999 and into 2002. Nevertheless, Indonesia today still struggles and has managed to maintain unity and inter-cultural harmony, through a national adherence of pro-pluralism policy of Pancasila; promoted and enforced by the government and its people.
Chinese Indonesians are the largest foreign-origin minority that has resided in Indonesia for generations. Despite centuries of acculturation with native Indonesians, because of their disproportionate influence on Indonesian economy, and alleged question of national loyalty, Chinese Indonesians have suffered discrimination. The Suharto Orde Baru or New Order adopted a forced assimilation policy; which indicated that Chinese cultural elements were unacceptable. Chinese Indonesians were forced to adopt Indonesian-sounding names, and the use of Chinese culture and language was banned. The violence targeting Chinese Indonesians erupted during riots in 1998. As the looting and destruction took place, a number of Chinese Indonesians, as well as looters, were killed. The Chinese Indonesians were treated as the scapegoat of 1997 Asian financial crisis, a result of ongoing discrimination and segregation policies enforced during Suharto's New Order regime. Soon after the fourth Indonesian President, Abdurrahman Wahid came into power in 1999, he quickly abolished some of the discriminatory laws in efforts to promote acceptance and to improve inter-racial relationships, such as abolishing the ban on Chinese culture; allowing Chinese traditions to be practised freely. Two years later President Megawati Sukarnoputri declared that the Chinese New Year ( Imlek) would be marked as a national holiday from 2003. Tense incidents however have included attacks on Chinese temples and Indonesian politician Basuki Tjahaja Purnama being given a two year prison sentence for blasphemy due to comments he made to his supporters in September 2016.
The Malaysian New Economic Policy or NEP serves as a form of "racial equalization" in the view of the Malay-controlled government. Malaysia fury at EU envoy remarks, BBC News It promotes structural changes in various aspects of life from education to economic to social integration. Established after the 13 May racial riots of 1969, it sought to address the "significant imbalance" in the economic sphere where the minority especially the Chinese population had substantial control over commercial activity in the country. Critics of this policy has called it synonymous to racial discrimination and synonymous to Apartheid.
The Malay Peninsula has a long history of international trade contacts, influencing its ethnic and religious composition. Predominantly Malays before the 18th century, the ethnic composition changed dramatically when the British introduced new industries, and imported Chinese and Indian labor. Several regions in the then British Malaya such as Penang, Malacca and Singapore became Chinese dominated. Until the riots 1969, co-existence between the three ethnicities (and other minor groups) was largely peaceful, although the three main racial groups for the most part lived in separate communities – the Malays in the villages, the Chinese in the urban areas, and the Indians in the towns and plantation. More Malays however have moved into the cities since the 1970s, and the proportion of the non-Malays have been decreasing continually, especially the Chinese, due in large part to lower birth-rate and emigration as a result of institutionalized discrimination.
Preceding independence of the Federation of Malaya, a social contract was negotiated as the basis of a new society. The contract as reflected in the 1957 Malayan Constitution and the 1963 Malaysian Constitution states that the immigrant groups are granted citizenship, and Malays' special rights are guaranteed. This is often referred to the Bumiputra policy.
These pluralist policies have come under pressure from racialist Malay parties, who oppose perceived subversion of Malay rights. The issue is sometimes related to the controversial status of religious freedom in Malaysia.
Under the Raffles Plan of Singapore, the city was divided into ethnic enclaves such as Geylang, Chinatown, and Little India. Housing in Singapore is governed by the Ethnic Integration Policy, which ensures an even ethnic distribution throughout Singapore.(n.d.) In Housing Development Boards of Singapore website. Retrieved: 18 November 2010 from Policy Changes To Support An Inclusive And Cohesive Home . A similar policy exists in politics as all Group Representation Constituencies are required to field at least one candidate from an ethnic minority.Goh, Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Bill, cols. 180–183; .
Today, such ethnic enclaves has mostly been eliminated, due to the contemporary Singapore's government policy to encourage further ethnic integration between the different races of Singapore. A prominent example is its public housing system. Unlike other countries, public housing is not ostracised by a wide majority of the population and its government, and acts as a necessary and vital measure to provide immaculate and safe housing surrounded by Amenity at affordable prices, especially during its rapid development and industrialisation in the early years of independence.
Han Geon-Soo 2007 notes the increased use of the word "multiculturalism" in South Korea: "As the increase of foreign migrants in South Korea transforms a single-ethnic homogeneous South Korean society into multiethnic and multicultural one, the Korean government and the civil society pay close attention to multiculturalism as an alternative value to their policy and social movement." He argued, however, that "the current discourses and concerns on multiculturalism in South Korea" lacked "the constructive and analytical concepts for transforming a society".
The same year, Stephen Castles of the International Migration Institute argued:
The Korea Times suggested in 2009 that South Korea was likely to become a multicultural society. "Multiculturalism Likely to Prevail in Korea", Lee Hyo-sik, Korea Times, 24 December 2009 In 2010, an opinion editorial written by Peter Underwood for the JoongAng Ilbo stated: "Media in South Korea is abuzz with the new era of multiculturalism. With more than one million foreigners in South Korea, 2 percent of the population comes from other cultures." He further opined:
In 2010, results from the Korean Identity Survey suggested that government programs promoting multiculturalism had seen some success with over 60% of Koreans supporting the idea a multicultural society. However, the same poll in 2015 showed that support of a multicultural society had dropped to 49.7% suggesting a possible return to ethnic exclusivism.
The Turkish migrant crisis (which is a part of the wider European migrant crisis)
The White Australia Policy was dismantled after World War II by various changes to immigration policy, although the official policy of multiculturalism was not formally introduced until 1972. The election of John Howard's Liberal-National Coalition government in 1996 was a major watershed for Australian multiculturalism. John Howard had long been a critic of multiculturalism, releasing his One Australia policy in the late 1980s. A Practical Reference to Religious Diversity for Operational Police and Emergency Services, first published in 1999, was a publication of the Australasian Police Multicultural Advisory Bureau designed to offer guidance to police and emergency services personnel on how religious affiliation can affect their contact with the public. The first edition covered Buddhist, Hindu, Islamic, Jewish and Sikh faiths, with participation of representatives of the various religions. The second edition, published in 2002, added Christian, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander religions and the Baháʼí Faith to the list of religions.
Contact between people of different cultures in Australia has been characterised by tolerance and engagement, but have also occasionally resulted in conflict and rifts. Australia's diverse migrant communities have brought with them food, lifestyle and cultural practices, many of which have been absorbed into mainstream Australian culture.
Members of a multicultural community who are not of English-speaking Anglo-Australian, Anglo-Saxon or ‘Anglo-Celtic’ Australian Ethnicity or not "assimilated" are often referred to in policy discourse as culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD), introduced in 1996 to replace non-English speaking background (NESB).
In 2001, the New Zealand government opened an Office of Ethnic Affairs to advise its local governments on the advancement of ethnic diversity and affairs of its multicultural communities. Many landmarks on the island have both their Māori and English names officially recognized. Māori makes up 3.7% of the population's speaking language. A 2013 census of New Zealand's population showed that 74% of the population identifies ethnically as European, while the latter 15% majority identify as Māori. The remainder identify as Asian, Arab, African, Pacific Islander and Latin American.
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Providence has been pleased to give this one connected country to one united people – a people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same language, professing the same religion, attached to the same principles of government, very similar in their manners and customs... This country and this people seem to have been made for each other, and it appears as if it was the design of Providence, that an inheritance so proper and convenient for a band of brethren, united to each other by the strongest ties, should never be split into a number of unsocial, jealous, and alien sovereignties.John Jay, First American Supreme Court Chief Justice, Federalist Paper No. 2
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