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Nativization is the process through which in the virtual absence of native speakers, a language undergoes new Phonology, morphological, Syntax, Semantics and Stylistics changes, and gains new native speakers. This happens necessarily when a second language used by adult parents becomes the native language of their children. Nativization has been of particular interest to linguists, and to more specifically, where the second language concerned is a pidgin.
It was previously thought by scholars that nativization was simply interlanguage fossilization, a step taken during second-language acquisition by learners who apply rules of their first language to their second. However, recent studies now suggest that nativization is simply another form of language acquisition. Several explanations of Creole language genesis have relied on prior nativization of a pidgin as a stage in achieving creoleness. This is true for Hall's (1966) notion of the pidgin-creole life cycle as well as Derek Bickerton's language bioprogram theory.
There are few undisputed examples of a creole arising from nativization of a pidgin by children.
The Tok Pisin language reported by is one example where such a conclusion could be reached by scientific observation. A counterexample is the case where children of Gastarbeiter parents speaking pidgin German acquired German seamlessly without creolization. Broad treatments of creolization phenomena such as acknowledge now as a matter of standard that the pidgin-nativization scheme is only one of many explanations with possible theoretical validity. Additionally, the emergence of Nicaraguan sign language without a prior established set of symbols puts forth new questions regarding the process of nativization itself.
In the examples given above, we can observe that the method of pluralizing a noun by affixing -s has been extended to words that do not accept the suffix in American English or British English, in other nativized varieties of English.
This generalization of grammatical rules was interpreted to be similar to the overgeneralizing processes in the second-language acquisition, or of native language interference. However, it is argued that these are not erroneous but rather grammatical processes generated in the minds of the speakers.
For most speakers of Singaporean English, the /θ/ and /ð/ are lost in the process of nativization, and instead have been replaced with /t, d/ at the start of words and /f, v/ at the end of words. This phenomenon is not unique to this particular variety of English, but can be found in various Southeast Asian, and African varieties as well. One reason for this is the markedness of these sounds; they are rare cross-linguistically. See below for another example of phonological transfer in Chavacano.
The lexical stress patterns in Singlish is also significantly different from British varieties. Notably, the stress of a word falls in the front syllable.Deterding, D., & Hvitfeldt, R. (1994). The features of Singapore English pronunciation: implications for teachers. Teaching and Learning, 15(1), 98-107.
| COLLeague | collEAGUE |
| CHARacter | chaRACter |
Formal writing in British or American varieties of English values directness with a lack of literary flourish. However, English formal writing style in India is indirect and highly ornamental. This is directly influenced by the discourse style of various indigenous Indian languages which values indirectness and stylization in formal registers. An example of such can be seen in this wedding invitation.
You are requested to make it convenient to reach here with family well in time to participate in all the connected ceremonies. In case you would like to invite anyone else from your side, kindly intimate the name and address.The process of nativization is not only a linguistic process, but also a social one. The transfer of features from other languages into a target language may stem from ‘cultural embedding’. In the case of English nativization, English is often a functional language meant to serve as the language of communication in a multilingual, multi-ethnic community. This transfer of features from other languages to the target language is a variation of the extension strategy, but takes on a sociolinguistics slant. Speakers of this emergent varieties of English often view their unique pronunciations as a marker of cultural identity, rather than something to be correct. These are acceptable ways to speak; in contrast, to imitate British or American English phonologies can come across as snobbish to a speaker’s speech community.
After the Subject Pronoun in the first sentence is deleted, it becomes the subject (as seen in the second sentence).
Stress patterns that differ from Spanish are found in Cavite Chabacano due to the dialectal variation in Tagalog.
| +Stress Patterns !Spanish !Chavacano !Glossing | ||
| éllos | ilós | pronoun |
| nosótros | nisós | pronoun |
When public schools opened in Nicaragua for deaf children, it advocated for an oral approach instead of a signing one. However, with the congregation of deaf children, many of them invented an indigenous sign language. The first generation of Nicaraguan Sign Language has been compared to a rudimentary pidgin; however, with the introduction of younger speakers into this language community, the language has been refined in the minds of these young speakers. These younger speakers, despite a rudimentary and impoverished language input, have produced a complex, full language. It has been said that NSL is a product of nativization, or Bickerton’s language bioprogram theory.
The emergence of NSL is special because it has emerged without the influence of a superstrate and substrate languages unlike most creoles, but rather came from an undeveloped sign system that was evolved by its own speakers. It raises interesting questions on the study of the mental processes of nativization.
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