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In , lenition is a that alters , making them "weaker" in some way. The word lenition itself means "softening" or "weakening" (from lēnis 'weak'). Lenition can happen both synchronically (within a language at a particular point in time) and diachronically (as a language changes over time). Lenition can involve such changes as voicing a voiceless consonant, causing a consonant to relax , to lose its place of articulation (a phenomenon called , which turns a consonant into a glottal consonant like or ), or even causing a consonant to disappear entirely.

An example of synchronic lenition is found in most varieties of , in the form of : the of a word like wait is pronounced as the more sonorous in the related form waiting . Some varieties of show of to at the end of a , so that a word like estamos "we are" is pronounced . An example of diachronic lenition can be found in the Romance languages, where the of Latin patrem ("father", ) has become in (an irregular change; compare saeta "silk" > seta) and Spanish padre (the latter weakened synchronically → ), while in Catalan pare, French père and Portuguese pai historical has disappeared completely.

In some languages, lenition has been grammaticalized into a consonant mutation, which means it is no longer triggered by its environment but is now governed by its or morphological environment. For example, in , the word cath "cat" begins with the sound , but after the y, the changes to : "the cat" in Welsh is y gath. This was historically due to intervocalic lenition, but in the plural, lenition does not happen, so "the cats" is y cathod, not *y gathod. The change of to in y gath is thus caused by the syntax of the phrase, not by the modern phonological position of the consonant .

The opposite of lenition, , a sound change that makes a consonant "stronger", is less common, but Breton and Cornish have "hard mutation" forms which represent fortition.


Types
Lenition involves changes in manner of articulation, sometimes accompanied by small changes in place of articulation. There are two main lenition pathways: opening and sonorization. In both cases, a stronger sound becomes a weaker one. Lenition can be seen as a movement on the sonority hierarchy from less sonorous to more sonorous, or on a strength hierarchy from stronger to weaker.

In examples below, a greater-than sign indicates that one sound changes to another. The notation > means that changes to .

The sound change of palatalization sometimes involves lenition.

Lenition includes the loss of a feature, such as deglottalization, in which or ejective articulation is lost: or > .

The tables below show common sound changes involved in lenition. In some cases, lenition may skip one of the sound changes. The change voiceless stop > fricative is more common than the series of changes voiceless stop > affricate > fricative.


Opening
In the opening type of lenition, the articulation becomes more open with each step. Opening lenition involves several sound changes: shortening of double consonants, of stops, spirantization or of stops or affricates, , and finally .
  • or > (shortening, example in )
  • > (affrication, for example to )
  • or > (spirantization, example in Gilbertese language)
  • > ; > (debuccalization, example in or )
  • , , , , > ∅ (elision, for example to (cf. ))

elision
(zero)


Sonorization
The sonorization type involves voicing. Sonorizing lenition involves several sound changes: voicing, approximation, and vocalization.

Sonorizing lenition occurs especially often intervocalically (between vowels). In this position, lenition can be seen as a type of assimilation of the consonant to the surrounding vowels, in which features of the consonant that are not present in the surrounding vowels (e.g. obstruction, voicelessness) are gradually eliminated.

elision
(zero)

Some of the sounds generated by lenition are often subsequently "normalized" into related but cross-linguistically more common sounds. An example would be the changes → → and → → . Such normalizations correspond to diagonal movements down and to the right in the above table. In other cases, sounds are lenited and normalized at the same time; examples would be direct changes → or → .


Vocalization
is a subtype of the sonorization type of lenition. It has two possible results: a velar approximant or back vowel, or a palatal approximant or front vowel. In , l-vocalization of the sequence resulted in the , which was , yielding the in Modern French.



Mixed
Sometimes a particular example of lenition mixes the opening and sonorization pathways. For example, may spirantize or open to , then voice or sonorize to .

Lenition can be seen in and , where and soften to a tap () when not in initial position and followed by an unstressed vowel. For example, both rate and raid plus the suffix -er are pronounced . The Italian of Central and Southern Italy has a number of lenitions, the most widespread of which is the deaffrication of to between vowels: post-pausal cena 'dinner' but post-vocalic la cena 'the dinner'; the name Luciano, although structurally , is normally pronounced . In Tuscany, likewise is realized between vowels, and in typical speech of Central Tuscany, the voiceless stops in the same position are pronounced respectively , as in → 'the house', → 'hole'.


Effects

Diachronic
Diachronic lenition is found, for example, in the change from into , in which the voiceless stops first changed into their voiced counterparts , and later into the approximants or fricatives : vita > vida, lupa > loba, caeca > ciega, apotheca > bodega. One stage in these changes goes beyond phonetic to have become a phonological restructuring, e.g. > (compare in Italian, with no change in the phonological status of ). The subsequent further weakening of the series to phonetic , as in is diachronic in the sense that the developments took place over time and displaced as the normal pronunciations between vowels. It is also synchronic in an analysis of as realizations of : illustrating with , 'wine' is pronounced after pause, but with intervocalically, as in 'of wine'; likewise, → .

A similar development occurred in the Celtic languages, where non-geminate intervocalic consonants were converted into their corresponding weaker counterparts through lenition (usually stops into fricatives but also laterals and trills into weaker laterals and taps), and voiceless stops became voiced. For example, Indo-European intervocalic * in * "people" resulted in , *tōθā, and ultimately debuccalisation in most Irish and some Scottish dialects to , shift in Central Southern Irish to , and complete deletion in some Modern Irish and most Modern Scots Gaelic dialects, thus .

(2025). 9780815630722, Syracuse University Press.

An example of historical lenition in the Germanic languages is evidenced by Latin-English cognates such as pater, tenuis, cornu vs. father, thin, horn. The Latin words preserved the original stops, which became fricatives in old Germanic by Grimm's law. A few centuries later, the High German consonant shift led to a second series of lenitions in Old High German, chiefly of post-vocalic stops, as evidenced in the English-German cognates ripe, water, make vs. reif, Wasser, machen.

Although actually a much more profound change encompassing syllable restructuring, simplification of geminate consonants as in the passage from Latin to Spanish such as cuppa > 'cup' is often viewed as a type of lenition (compare geminate-preserving Italian ).


Synchronic

Allophonic
All varieties of Sardinian, with the sole exception of , offer an example of in which the rule of intervocalic lenition applying to the voiced series /b d g/ extends across word boundaries. Since it is a fully active synchronic rule, lenition is not normally indicated in the standard orthographies.Mensching, G. (1992). Einführung in die Sardische Sprache, Romanistischer Verlag, Bonn
→ : baca "cow" → sa baca "the cow"
→ : domu "house" → sa domu "the house"
→ : gupu "ladle" → su gupu "the ladle"
A involving opening, or loss of occlusion, rather than voicing is found for post-vocalic in many of . Stereotypical Florentine, for example, has the of as casa 'house' in a post-pause realization, in casa 'in (the) house' post-consonant, but la casa 'the house' intervocalically. Word-internally, the normal realization is also : buco 'hole' → .


Grammatical
In the , the phenomenon of intervocalic lenition historically extended across word boundaries. This explains the rise of grammaticalised initial consonant mutations in modern Celtic languages through the loss of endings. A example would be the lack of lenition in am fear ("the man") and lenition in a' bhean ("the woman"). The following examples show the development of a phrase consisting of a definite article plus a masculine noun (taking the ending -os) compared with a feminine noun taking the ending -a. The historic development of lenition in those two cases can be reconstructed as follows:

*(s)indo s wiros IPA: → Old Irish ind fer → Middle Irish in fer → an fear → Modern Gaelic am fear

Proto-Celtic *(s)ind ā benā IPA: → Old Irish ind ben → Middle Irish in ben → Classical Gaelic an bhean → Modern Gaelic a' bhean

Synchronic lenition in Scottish Gaelic affects almost all consonants (except , which has lost its lenited counterpart in most areas).Oftedal, M. (1956) The Gaelic of Leurbost Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidenskap, Oslo Changes such as to involve the loss of secondary articulation; in addition, → involves the reduction of a to a . The spirantization of Gaelic nasal to is unusual among forms of lenition, but it is triggered by the same environment as more prototypical lenition. (It may also leave a residue of in adjacent vowels.)Ternes, E. (1989) The Phonemic Analysis of Scottish Gaelic Helmut Buske Verkag, Hamburg The orthography shows that by inserting an h (except after l n r).


Spirantization
bog "soft" → glé bhog "very soft"
beò 'alive' → glé bheò 'very alive'
cas "steep" → glé chas "very steep"
ciùin "quiet" → glé chiùin "very quiet"
dubh "black" → glé dhubh "very black"
deiseil "ready" → glé dheiseil "very ready"
garbh "rough" → glé gharbh "very rough"
geur "sharp" → glé gheur "very sharp"
maol "bald" → glé mhaol "very bald"
meallta "deceitful" → glé mheallta "very deceitful"
pongail "exact" → glé phongail "very exact"
peallagach "shaggy" → glé pheallagach "very shaggy"


Loss of secondary articulation
nàdarra "natural" → glé nàdarra "very natural"
rag "stiff" → glé rag "very stiff"
lag "weak" → glé lag "very weak" (in Harris Gaelic only)


Debuccalization
sona "happy" → glé shona "very happy"
seasmhach "constant" → glé sheasmhach "very constant"
seòlta "sly" → glé sheòlta "very sly"
tana "thin" → glé thana "very thin"
tinn "ill" → glé thinn "very ill"
teann "tight" → glé theann "very tight"


Elision
fann "faint" → glé fhann "very faint"
feòrachail "inquisitive" → glé fheòrachail "very inquisitive"


Reduction of place markedness
In the modern languages, grammatical lenition also triggers the reduction of in the place of articulation of coronal (l, r, and n sounds). In Scottish Gaelic, and are the weak counterparts of palatal and .
neulach "cloudy" → glé neulach "very cloudy"
leisg "lazy" → glé leisg "very lazy"


Blocked lenition
Some languages which have lenition have in addition complex rules affecting situations where lenition might be expected to occur but does not, often those involving homorganic consonants. This is colloquially known as 'blocked lenition', or more technically as 'homorganic inhibition' or 'homorganic blocking'. In Scottish Gaelic, for example, there are three homorganic groups:
(2025). 9781907165009, Akerbeltz.
In a position where lenition is expected due to the grammatical environment, lenition tends to be blocked if there are two adjacent homorganic consonants across the word boundary. For example:
  • aon 'one' (which causes lenition) → aon chas 'one leg' vs ao n taigh 'one house' (not aon *thaigh)
  • air an 'on the' (which causes lenition) → air a' chas mhòr 'on the big leg' vs air a n taigh donn "on the brown house" (not air an *thaigh *dhonn)
In modern Scottish Gaelic this rule is only productive in the case of dentals but not the other two groups for the vast majority of speakers. It also does not affect all environments any more. For example, while aon still invokes the rules of blocked lenition, a noun followed by an adjective generally no longer does so. Hence:
  • ad "hat" (a feminine noun causing lenition) → ad dhonn "a brown hat" (although some highly conservative speakers retain ad donn)
  • caileag "girl" (a feminine noun causing lenition) → caileag ghlic "a smart girl" (not caileag *glic)
There is a significant number of frozen forms involving the other two groups (labials and velars) and environments as well, especially in surnames and place names:
  • Ma cGumaraid 'Montgomery' (mac + Gumaraid) vs Ma cDhòmhnaill 'MacDonald (mac + Dòmhnall)
  • Cai mbeul 'Campbell' (cam 'crooked' + beul 'mouth') vs Ca mshron 'Cameron' (cam + sròn 'nose')
  • sgia n-dubh '' (sgian 'knife' + dubh '1 black 2 hidden'; sgian as a feminine noun today would normally cause lenition on a following adjective) vs sgian dhubh "a black knife" (i.e., a common knife which just happens to be black)
Though rare, in some instances the rules of blocked lenition can be invoked by lost historical consonants, for example, in the case of the past-tense copula bu, which in had a final -t. In terms of blocked lenition, it continues to behave as a dental-final particle invoking blocked lenition rules:
  • bu dona am biadh "bad was the food" versus bu mhòr am beud 'great was the pity

In Brythonic languages, only fossilized vestiges of lenition blocking occur, for example in Welsh no s da 'good night' lenition is blocked (nos as a feminine noun normally causes lenition of a following modifier, for example Gwener 'Friday' yields nos Wener 'Friday night'). Within Celtic, blocked lenition phenomena also occur in Irish (for example ao n doras 'one door', an chéa d duine 'the first person') and (for example u n dorrys 'one door', yn chie d dooinney 'the first man') however.

Outside Celtic, in orthographic b d g are retained as following nasals rather than their normal lenited forms .


Orthography
In the modern Celtic languages, lenition of the "fricating" type is usually denoted by adding an h to the lenited letter. In Welsh, for example, c, p, and t change into ch, ph, th as a result of the so-called "aspirate mutation" (carreg, "stone" → ei charreg "her stone"). An exception is , which tends to be more phonetic, but in some cases, etymological principles are applied. In the , fricating lenition (usually called simply lenition) is indicated by a the affected consonant, and in the Roman script, the convention is to suffix the letter h to the consonant, to signify that it is lenited. Thus, a ṁáṫair is equivalent to a mháthair. In manuscripts, lenition of s and f was indicated by the dot above, and lenition of p, t, and c was indicated by the postposed h; lenition of other letters was not indicated consistently in the orthography.

Voicing lenition is represented by a simple letter switch in the Brythonic languages, for instance carreg, "stone" → y garreg, "the stone" in Welsh. In Irish orthography, it is shown by writing the "weak" consonant alongside the (silent) "strong" one: peann, "pen" → ár bpeann "our pen", ceann, "head" → ár gceann "our head" (sonorization is traditionally called "eclipsis" in Irish grammar).

Although nasalization as a feature also occurs in most Scottish Gaelic dialects, it is not shown in the orthography on the whole, as it is synchronic (the result of certain types of nasals affecting a following sound), rather than the diachronic Irish type sonorization (after historic nasals). For example taigh "house" → an taigh "the house".

(1997). 9780852852347, Hunter Pub Incorporated.


Consonant gradation
The phenomenon of consonant gradation in is also a form of lenition.

An example with consonants comes from , where geminates become simple consonants while retaining voicing or voicelessness (e.g. katto → katon, dubbaan → dubata). It is also possible for entire consonant clusters to undergo lenition, as in , where voiceless clusters become voiced, e.g. itke- "to cry" → idgön.

If a language has no obstruents other than voiceless stops, other sounds are encountered, as in Finnish, where the lenited grade is represented by , , or even . For example, Finnish used to have a complete set of spirantization reflexes for , though these have been lost in favour of similar-sounding phonemes. In the Southern Ostrobothnian, Tavastian and southwestern dialects of Finnish, mostly changed into , thus the dialects have a synchronic lenition of an alveolar stop into an alveolar trill . Furthermore, the same phoneme undergoes → before the vowel , e.g. root vete- "water" → vesi and vere-. Here, vete- is the stem, vesi is its nominative, and vere- is the same stem under consonant gradation.


Fortition
Fortition is the opposite of lenition: a consonant mutation in which a consonant changes from one considered weak to one considered strong. Fortition is less frequent than lenition in the languages of the world, but word-initial and word-final fortition is fairly frequent.

Italian, for example, presents numerous regular examples of word-initial fortition both historically (Lat. Januarius with initial > gennaio, with ) and synchronically (e.g., "house, home" → but "at home" → ).

Catalan is among numerous Romance languages with diachronic word-final devoicing (frigidus > > fred . Fortition also occurs in Catalan for in consonant clusters with a lateral consonant (Lat. populus > poble or .

Word-medially, is subject to fortition in numerous Romance languages, ranging from or in many speech types on Italian soil to in some varieties of Spanish.


See also


Citations

General references
  • Crowley, Terry (1997). An Introduction to Historical Linguistics. 3rd edition. Oxford University Press.
  • (1985). 9788200072829, Oxford University Press, USA.

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