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Animism (from meaning 'breath, Soul, life'). is the belief that objects, places, and creatures all possess a distinct Spirituality essence. Animism perceives all things—, , rocks, , Weather, human handiwork, and in some cases —as being animated, having agency and free will. Animism is used in anthropology of religion as a term for the Belief of many Indigenous peoples in contrast to the relatively more recent development of organized religions. Animism is a metaphysics which focuses on the Supernatural: specifically, on the concept of the immaterial soul.
Although each culture has its own mythologies and rituals, animism is said to describe the most common, foundational thread of indigenous peoples' "spiritual" or "supernatural" perspectives. The animistic perspective is so widely held and inherent to most indigenous peoples that they often do not even have a word in their languages that corresponds to "animism" (or even "religion"). The term "animism" is an anthropological construct.
Largely due to such ethnolinguistic and Culture discrepancies, opinions differ on whether animism refers to an ancestral mode of experience common to indigenous peoples around the world or to a full-fledged religion in its own right. The currently accepted definition of animism was only developed in the late 19th century (1871) by Edward Tylor. It is "one of anthropology's earliest concepts, if not the first".
Animism encompasses beliefs that all material phenomena have agency, that there exists no categorical distinction between the Spirituality and physical world, and that soul, spirit, or sentience exists not only in humans but also in other animals, plants, rocks, geographic features (such as mountains and rivers), and other entities of the natural environment. Examples include water sprites, Vegetation deity, and tree spirits, among others. Animism may further attribute a life force to abstract concepts such as words, , or metaphors in mythology. Some members of the non-tribal world also consider themselves animists, such as author Daniel Quinn, sculptor Lawson Oyekan, and many Modern Paganism.
The origin of the word comes from the Latin word anima, which means life or soul.
The first known usage in English appeared in 1819.
For Tylor, animism represented the earliest form of religion, being situated within an evolutionary framework of religion that has developed in stages and which will ultimately lead to humanity rejecting religion altogether in favor of scientific rationality. Thus, for Tylor, animism was fundamentally seen as a mistake, a basic error from which all religions grew. He did not believe that animism was inherently illogical, but he suggested that it arose from early humans' dreams and visions and thus was a rational system. However, it was based on erroneous, unscientific observations about the nature of reality. Stringer notes that his reading of Primitive Culture led him to believe that Tylor was far more sympathetic in regard to "primitive" populations than many of his contemporaries and that Tylor expressed no belief that there was any difference between the intellectual capabilities of "savage" people and Westerners.
The idea that there had once been "one universal form of primitive religion" (whether labelled animism, totemism, or shamanism) has been dismissed as "unsophisticated" and "erroneous" by archaeologist Timothy Insoll, who stated that "it removes complexity, a precondition of religion now, in all its variants."
With the development of private property, the descent groups were displaced by the emergence of the territorial state. These rituals and beliefs eventually evolved over time into the vast array of "developed" religions. According to Tylor, as society became more scientifically advanced, fewer members of that society would believe in animism. However, any remnant ideologies of souls or spirits, to Tylor, represented "survivals" of the original animism of early humanity.
According to anthropologist Tim Ingold, animism shares similarities with totemism but differs in its focus on individual spirit beings which help to perpetuate life, whereas totemism more typically holds that there is a primary source, such as the land itself or the ancestors, who provide the basis to life. Certain indigenous religious groups such as the Australian Aboriginals are more typically totemic in their worldview, whereas others like the Inuit are more typically animistic.
From his studies into child development, Jean Piaget suggested that children were born with an innate animist worldview in which they Anthropomorphism inanimate objects and that it was only later that they grew out of this belief. Conversely, from her ethnographic research, Margaret Mead argued the opposite, believing that children were not born with an animist worldview but that they became acculturated to such beliefs as they were educated by their society.
Stewart Guthrie saw animism—or "attribution" as he preferred it—as an evolutionary strategy to aid survival. He argued that both humans and other animal species view inanimate objects as potentially alive as a means of being constantly on guard against potential threats. His suggested explanation, however, did not deal with the question of why such a belief became central to the religion. In 2000, Guthrie suggested that the "most widespread" concept of animism was that it was the "attribution of spirits to natural phenomena such as stones and trees."
Hallowell's approach to the understanding of Ojibwe personhood differed strongly from prior anthropological concepts of animism. He emphasized the need to challenge the modernist, Western perspectives of what a person is, by entering into a dialogue with different worldwide views. Hallowell's approach influenced the work of anthropologist Nurit Bird-David, who produced a scholarly article reassessing the idea of animism in 1999. Seven comments from other academics were provided in the journal, debating Bird-David's ideas.
Human beings continue to create personal relationships with elements of the aforementioned objective world, such as pets, cars, or teddy bears, which are recognized as subjects. As such, these entities are "approached as communicative subjects rather than the inert objects perceived by modernists." These approaches aim to avoid the modernist assumption that the environment consists of a physical world distinct from the world of humans, as well as the modernist conception of the person being composed dualistically of a body and a soul.
Nurit Bird-David argues that:
She explains that animism is a "relational epistemology" rather than a failure of primitive reasoning. That is, self-identity among animists is based on their relationships with others, rather than any distinctive features of the "self". Instead of focusing on the essentialized, modernist self (the "individual"), persons are viewed as bundles of social relationships ("dividuals"), some of which include "superpersons" (i.e. non-humans).
Stewart Guthrie expressed criticism of Bird-David's attitude towards animism, believing that it promulgated the view that "the world is in large measure whatever our local imagination makes it." This, he felt, would result in anthropology abandoning "the scientific project."
Like Bird-David, Tim Ingold argues that animists do not see themselves as separate from their environment:
Rane Willerslev extends the argument by noting that animists reject this Cartesian dualism and that the animist self identifies with the world, "feeling at once within and apart from it so that the two glide ceaselessly in and out of each other in a sealed circuit". The animist hunter is thus aware of himself as a human hunter, but, through mimicry, is able to assume the viewpoint, senses, and sensibilities of his prey, to be one with it. Shamanism, in this view, is an everyday attempt to influence spirits of ancestors and animals, by mirroring their behaviors, as the hunter does its prey.
In the absence of intervening technologies, he suggests that sensory experience is inherently animistic in that it discloses a material field that is animate and self-organizing from the beginning. David Abram used contemporary cognitive and natural science, as well as the perspectival worldviews of diverse indigenous oral cultures, to propose a richly pluralist and story-based cosmology in which matter is alive. He suggested that such a relational ontology is in close accord with humanity's spontaneous perceptual experience by drawing attention to the senses, and to the primacy of sensuous terrain, enjoining a more respectful and ethical relation to the more-than-human community of animals, plants, soils, mountains, waters, and weather-patterns that materially sustains humanity.
In contrast to a long-standing tendency in the Western social sciences, which commonly provide rational explanations of animistic experience, Abram develops an animistic account of reason itself. He holds that civilised reason is sustained only by intensely animistic participation between human beings and their own written signs. For instance, as soon as someone reads letters on a page or screen, they can "see what it says"—the letters speak as much as nature spoke to pre-literate peoples. Reading can usefully be understood as an intensely concentrated form of animism, one that effectively eclipses all of the other, older, more spontaneous forms of animistic participation in which humans were once engaged.
In his Handbook of Contemporary Animism (2013), Harvey identifies the animist perspective in line with Martin Buber's "I-thou" as opposed to "I-it". In such, Harvey says, the animist takes an I-thou approach to relating to the world, whereby objects and animals are treated as a "thou", rather than as an "it".
In West Africa, the Serer religion encompasses ancestor veneration (not worship) via the Pangool. The Pangool are the Serer people ancestral spirits and interceders between the living and the Divine, Roog.Henry Gravrand, "La Civilisation Sereer : Pangool". vol.2, Les Nouvelles Editions Africaines du Senegal, (1990), p. 278, Galvan, Dennis Charles, "The State Must Be Our Master of Fire: How Peasants Craft Culturally Sustainable Development in Senegal." Berkeley, University of California Press (2004), p. 53,
In East Africa the Kerma culture display Animistic elements similar to other Traditional African religions. In contrast to the later polytheistic Napatan and Meroitic periods, the Kerma culture with displays of animals in Amulets and the esteemed antiques of Lions, appear to be an Animistic culture rather than a polytheistic culture. The Kermans likely treated Jebel Barkal as a special sacred site, and passed it on to the Kushites and Egyptians who venerated the mesa.
In North Africa, the traditional Berber religion includes the traditional polytheistic, animist, and in some rare cases, shamanistic, religions of the Berber people.
Matsya Purana, a Hindu text, has a Sanskrit language shloka (hymn), which explains the importance of reverence of ecology. It states: "A pond equals ten water well, a reservoir equals ten ponds, while a son equals ten reservoirs, and a tree equals ten sons." "Haryana mulls giving marks to class 12 students for planting trees", Hindustan Times, 26 July 2021. Indian religions worship trees such as the Bodhi Tree and numerous superlative banyan trees, conserve the sacred groves of India, revere the rivers as sacred, and worship the mountains and their ecology.
Panchavati are the sacred trees in Indic religions, which are sacred groves containing five type of trees, usually chosen from among the Vata ( Ficus benghalensis, Banyan), Ashvattha ( Ficus religiosa, Peepal), Bilva ( Aegle marmelos, Bengal Quince), Amalaki ( Phyllanthus emblica, Indian Gooseberry, Amla), Ashoka ( Saraca asoca, Ashok), Udumbara ( Ficus racemosa, Cluster Fig, Gular), Nimba ( Azadirachta indica, Neem) and Shami ( Prosopis spicigera, Indian Mesquite). "Panchvati trees", greenmesg.org, accessed 26 July 2021. "Peepal for east amla for west", Times of India, 26 July 2021.
The banyan is considered holy in several religious traditions of India. The Ficus benghalensis is the national tree of India. Vat Purnima is a Hindu festival related to the banyan tree, and is observed by married women in North India and in the Western Indian states of Maharashtra, Goa, Gujarat. For three days of the month of Jyeshtha in the Hindu calendar (which falls in May–June in the Gregorian calendar) married women observe a fast, tie threads around a banyan tree, and pray for the well-being of their husbands. Thimmamma Marrimanu, sacred to Indian religions, has branches spread over five acres and was listed as the world's largest banyan tree in the Guinness World Records in 1989.
In Hinduism, the leaf of the banyan tree is said to be the resting place for the god Krishna. In the Bhagavat Gita, Krishna said, "There is a banyan tree which has its roots upward and its branches down, and the Vedic hymns are its leaves. One who knows this tree is the knower of the Vedas." (Bg 15.1)
In Buddhism's Pali canon, the banyan (Pali: nigrodha) is referenced numerous times.See, for instance, the automated search of the SLTP ed. of the Pali Canon for the root "nigrodh" which results in 243 matches Typical metaphors allude to the banyan's Epiphyte nature, likening the banyan's supplanting of a host tree as comparable to the way sensual desire ( kāma) overcomes humans.See, e.g., Samyutta Nikaya 46.39, "Trees Discourse", trans. by Bhikkhu Bodhi (2000), Connected Discourses of the Buddha: A Translation of the Saṃyutta Nikāya (Boston: Wisdom Publications), pp. 1593, 1906 n. 81; and, Sutta Nipata 2.5 v. 271 or 272 (Fausböll, 1881, p. 46).
Mun (also known as Munism or Bongthingism) is the traditional polytheism, animist, shamanism, and syncretism religion of the Lepcha people.
Sanamahism is an ethnic religion of the Meitei people of in Northeast India. It is a polytheistic and animist religion and is named after Lainingthou Sanamahi, one of the most important deities of the Meitei faith.
The Shang dynasty's state religion was practiced from 1600 BCE to 1046 BCE, and was built on the idea of spiritualizing natural phenomena.
The Ryukyuan religion of the Ryukyu Islands is distinct from Shinto, but shares similar characteristics.
The Kalash people (Kalasha: کالؕاشؕا, romanised: Kaḷaṣa, Devanagari: कळष), or Kalasha, are an Indo-Aryan indigenous people residing in the Chitral District of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan.
They are considered unique among the people of Pakistan.Augusto S. Cacopardo. Pagan Christmas: Winter Feasts of the Kalasha of the Hindu Kush. p.28. They are also considered to be Pakistan's smallest ethnoreligious group, and traditionally practice what authors characterise as a form of animism. During the mid-20th century an attempt was made to force a few Kalasha villages in Pakistan to convert to Islam, but the people fought the conversion and, once official pressure was removed, the vast majority resumed the practice of their own religion. Nevertheless, some Kalasha have since converted to Islam, despite being shunned afterward by their community for having done so.
The term is used to refer to many distinct people including the Väi, the Čima-nišei, the Vântä, plus the Ashkun- and Tregami-speakers. The Kalash are considered to be an indigenous people of Asia, with their ancestors migrating to Chitral Valley from another location possibly further south, which the Kalash call "Tsiyam" in their folk songs and epics.
They claim to descend from the armies of Alexander who were left behind from his armed campaign, though no evidence exists for him to have passed the area.
The neighbouring Nuristani people of the adjacent Nuristan (historically known as Kafiristan) province of Afghanistan once had the same culture and practised a faith very similar to that of the Kalash, differing in a few minor particulars.
The first historically recorded Islamic invasions of their lands were by the Ghaznavids in the 11th century Pagan Christmas: Winter Feasts of the Kalasha of the Hindu Kush, By Augusto S. Cacopardo while they themselves are first attested in 1339 during Timur's invasions. Nuristan had been forcibly converted to Islam in 1895–96, although some evidence has shown the people continued to practice their customs. The Kalash of Chitral have maintained their own separate cultural traditions.Newby, Eric. A Short Walk in the Hindu Kush. 2008.
Social evolutionist conceptions
Tylor's definition of animism was part of a growing international debate on the nature of "Urgesellschaft" by lawyers, theologians, and philologists. The debate defined the field of research of a new science: anthropology. By the end of the 19th century, an orthodoxy on "primitive society" had emerged, but few anthropologists still would accept that definition. The "19th-century armchair anthropologists" argued that "primitive society" (an evolutionary category) was ordered by kinship and divided into exogamous kinship related by a series of marriage exchanges. Their religion was animism, the belief that natural species and objects had souls.
Confounding animism with totemism
In 1869 (three years after Tylor proposed his definition of animism), Edinburgh lawyer John Ferguson McLennan, argued that the animistic thinking evident in fetishism gave rise to a religion he named totemism. Primitive people believed, he argued, that they were descended from the same species as their totemic animal. Subsequent debate by the "armchair anthropologists" (including J. J. Bachofen, Émile Durkheim, and Sigmund Freud) remained focused on totemism rather than animism, with few directly challenging Tylor's definition. Anthropologists "have commonly avoided the issue of animism and even the term itself, rather than revisit this prevalent notion in light of their new and rich ethnographies."
"New animism" non-archaic definitions
Many anthropologists ceased using the term animism, deeming it to be too close to early anthropological theory and religious polemic. However, the term had also been claimed by religious groups—namely, Indigenous communities and —who felt that it aptly described their own beliefs, and who in some cases actively identified as "animists." It was thus readopted by various scholars, who began using the term in a different way, placing the focus on knowing how to behave toward other beings, some of whom are not human. As religious studies scholar Graham Harvey stated, while the "old animist" definition had been problematic, the term animism was nevertheless "of considerable value as a critical, academic term for a style of religious and cultural relating to the world."
Hallowell and the Ojibwe
The new animism emerged largely from the publications of anthropologist Irving Hallowell, produced on the basis of his ethnographic research among the Ojibwe communities of Canada in the mid-20th century. For the Ojibwe encountered by Hallowell, personhood did not require human-likeness, but rather humans were perceived as being like other persons, who for instance included rock persons and bear persons. For the Ojibwe, these persons were each willful beings, who gained meaning and power through their interactions with others; through respectfully interacting with other persons, they themselves learned to "act as a person".
Postmodern anthropology
More recently, postmodern anthropologists are increasingly engaging with the concept of animism. Modernism is characterized by a Cartesianism subject-object dualism that divides the subjective from the objective, and culture from nature. In the modernist view, animism is the inverse of scientism, and hence, is deemed inherently invalid by some anthropologists. Drawing on the work of Bruno Latour, some anthropologists question modernist assumptions and theorize that all societies continue to "animate" the world around them. In contrast to Tylor's reasoning, however, this "animism" is considered to be more than just a remnant of primitive thought. More specifically, the "animism" of modernity is characterized by humanity's "professional subcultures", as in the ability to treat the world as a detached entity within a delimited sphere of activity.
Ethical and ecological understanding
Cultural ecologist and philosopher David Abram proposed an ethical and ecological understanding of animism, grounded in the phenomenology of sensory experience. In his books The Spell of the Sensuous and Becoming Animal, Abram suggests that material things are never entirely passive in our direct perceptual experience, holding rather that perceived things actively "solicit our attention" or "call our focus", coaxing the perceiving body into an ongoing participation with those things.
Relation to the concept of 'I-thou'
Religious studies scholar Graham Harvey defined animism as the belief "that the world is full of persons, only some of whom are human, and that life is always lived in relationship with others." He added that it is therefore "concerned with learning how to be a good person in respectful relationships with other persons."
Religion
There is ongoing disagreement (and no general consensus) as to whether animism is merely a singular, broadly encompassing religious belief or a worldview in and of itself, comprising many diverse mythologies found worldwide in many diverse cultures.Harvey (2006), p. 6. This also raises a controversy regarding the ethical claims animism may or may not make: whether animism ignores questions of ethics altogether; or, by endowing various non-human elements of nature with spirituality or personhood,Clarke, Peter B., and Peter Beyer, eds. 2009. The World's Religions: Continuities and Transformations. London: Routledge. p. 15. it in fact promotes a complex ecological ethics.
Concepts
Distinction from pantheism
Animism is not the same as pantheism, although the two are sometimes confused. Moreover, some religions are both pantheistic and animistic. One of the main differences is that while animists believe everything to be spiritual in nature, they do not necessarily see the spiritual nature of everything in existence as being united (monism) the way pantheists do. As a result, animism puts more emphasis on the uniqueness of each individual soul. In pantheism, everything shares the same spiritual essence, rather than having distinct spirits or souls.Harrison, Paul A. 2004. Elements of Pantheism. p. 11.McColman, Carl. 2002. When Someone You Love Is Wiccan: A Guide to Witchcraft and Paganism for Concerned Friends, Nervous parents, and Curious Co-Workers. p. 97. For example, Giordano Bruno equated the world soul with God and espoused a pantheistic animism.
Fetishism / totemism
In many animistic world views, the human being is often regarded as on a roughly equal footing with other animals, plants, and natural forces.
African indigenous religions
Traditional African religions: most religious traditions of Sub-Saharan Africa are basically a complex form of animism with polytheistic and shamanistic elements and ancestor worship.
Asian origin religions
Indian-origin religions
In the Indian religions, namely Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism, the animistic aspects of nature worship and ecological conservation are part of the core belief system.
Chinese religions
Shendao (l=the Way of the Gods) is a term originated by Chinese folk religions influenced by, Mohism, Confucianism and Taoism philosophy, referring to the divine order of nature or the Wuxing.
Japan and Shinto
Shinto is the traditional Japanese folk religion and has many animist aspects. The 3=kami, a class of supernatural beings, are central to Shinto. All things, including natural forces and well-known geographical locations, are thought to be home to the kami. The kami are worshipped at kamidana household shrines, family shrines, and jinja public shrines.
Kalash people
Kalash people of Northern Pakistan follow an ancient animistic religion identified with an ancient form of Hinduism.Zeb, Alam, et al. (2019). "Identifying local actors of deforestation and forest degradation in the Kalasha valleys of Pakistan." Forest Policy and Economics 104: 56–64.
Korea
babaylan in the Philippines making an offering to an apdel, a guardian anito spirit of her village that reside in the water-worn stones known as pinaing<ref name="cole"></ref>|upright=1.2">99%;" itemscope itemtype="http://schema.org/Book"> . 9780231105668, Columbia University Press. ISBN 9780231105668
Anito are the wooden statues and ancestor spirits in the various indigenous shamanistic of the Philippines, led by female or feminized male shamans known as babaylan. It includes belief in a spirit world existing alongside and interacting with the material world, as well as the belief that everything has a spirit, from rocks and trees to animals and humans to natural phenomena.
In indigenous Filipino belief, the Bathala is the omnipotent deity which was derived from Sanskrit word for the Hindu supreme deity Batara Guru,R. Ghose (1966), Saivism in Indonesia during the Hindu-Javanese period, The University of Hong Kong Press, pages 16, 123, 494–495, 550–552Scott, William Henry (1994). Barangay: Sixteenth Century Philippine Culture and Society. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. . p. 234. as one of the ten of the Hindu god Vishnu.de los Reyes y Florentino, Isabelo (2014). History of Ilocos, Volume 1. University of the Philippines Press, 2014. , 9789715427296. p. 83.John Crawfurd (2013). History of the Indian Archipelago: Containing an Account of the Manners, Art, Languages, Religions, Institutions, and Commerce of Its Inhabitants. Cambridge University Press. pp. 219–220. . The omnipotent Bathala also presides over the spirits of ancestors called Anito.Marsden, William (1784). The History of Sumatra: Containing an Account of the Government, Laws, Customs and Manners of the Native Inhabitants. Good Press, 2019.Marsden, William (1784). The History of Sumatra: Containing an Account of the Government, Laws, Customs and Manners of the Native Inhabitants, with a Description of the Natural Productions, and a Relation of the Ancient Political State of that Island. p. 255.Silliman, Robert Benton (1964). Religious Beliefs and Life at the Beginning of the Spanish Regime in the Philippines: Readings. College of Theology, Silliman University, 1964. p. 46Blair, Emma Helen & Robertson, James Alexander. The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898, Volume 40 (of 55): 1690–1691. Chapter XV, p. 106. Anitos serve as intermediaries between mortals and the divine, such as Agni (Hindu) who holds the access to divine realms; for this reason they are invoked first and are the first to receive offerings, regardless of the deity the worshipper wants to pray to.Talbott, Rick F. (2005). Sacred Sacrifice: Ritual Paradigms in Vedic Religion and Early Christianity. Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2005. . p. 82Pomey, François & Tooke, Andrew (1793). The Pantheon: Representing the Fabulous Histories of the Heathen Gods, and the Most Illustrious Heroes of Antiquity, in a Short, Plain, and Familiar Method, by Way of Dialogue, for the Use of Schools. Silvester Doig, 1793. p. 151
The Old Testament and the Wisdom literature preach the omnipresence of God (Jeremiah 23:24; Proverbs 15:3; 1 Kings 8:27), and God is bodily present in the incarnation of his Son, Jesus Christ. (Gospel of John 1:14, Colossians 2:9). Animism is not peripheral to Christian identity but is its nurturing home ground, its axis mundi. In addition to the conceptual work the term animism performs, it provides insight into the relational character and common personhood of material existence.
The Christian spiritual mapping movement is based upon a similar worldview to that of animism. It involves researching and mapping the spiritual and social history of an area in order to determine the demon (territorial spirit) controlling an area and preventing evangelism, so that the demon can be defeated through spiritual warfare prayer and rituals. Both posit that an invisible spirit world is active and that it can be interacted with or controlled, with the Christian belief that such power to control the spirit world comes from God rather than being inherent to objects or places. "The animist believes that rituals and objects contain spiritual power, whereas a Christian believes that rituals and objects may convey power. Animists seek to manipulate power, whereas Christians seek to submit to God and to learn to work with his power."
With rising awareness of ecological preservation, recently theologians like Mark I. Wallace argue for animistic Christianity with a biocentric approach that understands God being present in all earthly objects, such as animals, trees, and rocks.
While these societies developed organized pantheons and mythological systems, many retained a view of the natural world that reflected animistic thought. Practices such as offering rituals at springs, maintaining sacred groves, or acknowledging local land spirits illustrate the integration of animistic concepts within broader polytheistic frameworks.
These continuities were often preserved through oral traditions, local rituals, and folk customs, contributing to the survival of animistic perspectives beyond their original religious contexts.
Some scholars and practitioners of modern Paganism incorporate animism into their religious frameworks. Graham Harvey has noted that contemporary Pagan worldviews frequently emphasize relationality and agency within the natural world, viewing humans as part of a larger network of sentient beings. In Wiccan and other Pagan rituals, for example, elements such as earth, air, fire, and water are invoked not only symbolically but as active, spiritually significant forces. This approach reflects an animistic orientation toward the environment.
Emma Restall Orr, a British author and Druidic practitioner, has argued that animism provides a philosophical basis for environmental ethics and personal spirituality within contemporary Paganism. Similarly, Sabina Magliocco has documented the presence of animistic themes in American Neo-Pagan practices, including rituals, festivals, and magical systems.
Contemporary expressions of animism often align with ecological values, highlighting themes like sustainability, interdependence, and a deep respect for the natural world. Within this context, animism is no longer seen as outdated or primitive, but as a meaningful way for people to engage with both their environment and the spiritual forces they perceive within it. The New Age movement, for instance, often incorporates animistic elements, such as beliefs in nature spirits and energetic connections with the Earth.Hanegraaff, Wouter J. 1998. New Age Religion and Western Culture. p. 199.
In recent years, animism has also found a place within emerging spiritual paths. Many neopagan groups—including Eco-pagans—identify as animists, expressing reverence for the web of life and the unseen presences they believe share the world and cosmos with humanity.Pizza, Murphy, and James R. Lewis. 2008. Handbook of Contemporary Paganism. pp. 408–09.
target="_blank" rel="nofollow"> Shaman." Lexico. Oxford University Press and Dictionary.com. Retrieved 25 July 2020.
According to Mircea Eliade, shamanism encompasses the premise that shamans are intermediaries or messengers between the human world and the spirit worlds. Shamans are said to treat ailments and illnesses by mending the soul. Alleviating traumas affecting the soul or spirit restores the physical body of the individual to balance and wholeness. The shaman also enters otherworld or dimensions to obtain solutions to problems afflicting the community. Shamans may visit other worlds or dimensions to bring guidance to misguided souls and to ameliorate illnesses of the human soul caused by foreign elements. The shaman operates primarily within the spiritual world, which in turn affects the human world. The restoration of balance results in the elimination of the ailment.
Abram, however, articulates a less supernatural and much more ecological understanding of the shaman's role than that propounded by Eliade. Drawing upon his own field research in Indonesia, Nepal, and the Americas, Abram suggests that in animistic cultures, the shaman functions primarily as an intermediary between the human community and the more-than-human community of active agencies—the local animals, plants, and landforms (mountains, rivers, forests, winds, and weather patterns, all of which are felt to have their own specific sentience). Hence, the shaman's ability to heal individual instances of disease (or imbalance) within the human community is a byproduct of their more continual practice of balancing the reciprocity between the human community and the wider collective of animate beings in which that community is embedded.
In animist worldviews, non-human animals are understood to participate in kinship systems and ceremonies with humans, as well as having their own kinship systems and ceremonies. Graham Harvey cited an example of an animist understanding of animal behavior that occurred at a Pow wow held by the Conne River Mi'kmaq in 1996; an eagle flew over the proceedings, circling over the central drum group. The assembled participants called out kitpu ('eagle'), conveying welcome to the bird and expressing pleasure at its beauty, and they later articulated the view that the eagle's actions reflected its approval of the event, and the Mi'kmaq's return to traditional spiritual practices.
In animism, rituals are performed to maintain relationships between humans and spirits. Indigenous peoples often perform these rituals to appease the spirits and request their assistance during activities such as hunting and healing. In the Arctic region, certain rituals are common before the hunt as a means to show respect for the spirits of animals.
In other instances, animists believe that interaction with plant and fungi persons can result in the communication of things unknown or even otherwise unknowable. Among some modern Pagans, for instance, relationships are cultivated with specific trees, who are understood to bestow knowledge or physical gifts, such as flowers, sap, or wood that can be used as firewood or to fashion into a wand; in return, these Pagans give offerings to the tree itself, which can come in the form of of mead or ale, a drop of blood from a finger, or a strand of wool.
The importance of place is also a recurring element of animism, with some places being understood to be persons in their own right.
Physicist Nick Herbert has argued for "quantum animism" in which the mind permeates the world at every level:
Werner Krieglstein wrote regarding his quantum Animism:
In Error and Loss: A Licence to Enchantment, Ashley Curtis (2018) has argued that the Cartesian idea of an experiencing subject facing off with an inert physical world is incoherent at its very foundation and that this incoherence is consistent with rather than belied by Darwinism. Human reason (and its rigorous extension in the natural sciences) fits an evolutionary niche just as echolocation does for bats and infrared vision does for pit vipers, and is epistemologically on a par with, rather than superior to, such capabilities. The meaning or aliveness of the "objects" we encounter, rocks, trees, rivers, and other animals, thus depends for its validity not on a detached cognitive judgment, but purely on the quality of our experience. The animist experience, or the wolf's or raven's experience, thus become licensed as equally valid worldviews to the modern western scientific one; they are indeed more valid, since they are not plagued with the incoherence that inevitably arises when "objective existence" is separated from "subjective experience."
Harvey expressed the view that animist worldviews were present in various works of literature, citing such examples as the writings of Alan Garner, Leslie Silko, Barbara Kingsolver, Alice Walker, Daniel Quinn, Linda Hogan, David Abram, Patricia Grace, Chinua Achebe, Ursula Le Guin, Louise Erdrich, and Marge Piercy.
Animist worldviews have also been identified in the animated films of Hayao Miyazaki.
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