Rajputisation (or Rajputization) explains the process by which a diverse mix of various different social groups (castes) and different varnas coalesced to form the Northern Indian Rajput community.
Sivaji Koyal suggests that Rajputisation boosted Brahmanism and defines it as follows,
Sociologists like Sarah Farris and Reinhard Bendix state that the original Kshatriyas in the northwest who existed until Mauryan times in tiny kingdoms were an extremely cultured, educated and intellectual group who were a challenge to monopoly of the Brahmins. According to Max Weber, ancient texts show they were not subordinate to the Brahmins in religious matters. These old Kshatriyas were undermined not only by the Brahmin priests of the time but were replaced by the rise of the new community of Literacy Mercenary in the north-west - the Rajputs. Since the Rajputs were generally illiterate unlike the Kshatriyas, their rise did not present a challenge to monopoly of the Brahmins.
Anyone from the "village landlord" to the "newly wealthy lower caste Shudra" could employ to retrospectively fabricate a genealogy and within a couple of generations they would gain acceptance as Hindu Rajputs. This process would get mirrored by communities in north India. Scholars refer to this as "Rajputisation" and consider it similar to Sanskritisation. This process of generation of the Rajput community resulted in hypergamy as well as female infanticide that was common in Hindu Rajput clans. German historian Hermann Kulke has coined the term "Secondary Rajputisation" for describing the process of members of a tribe trying to re-associate themselves with their former tribal chiefs who had already transformed themselves into Rajputs via Rajputisation and thus claim to be Rajputs themselves.
Stewart N. Gordon states that during the era of the Mughal empire, "Hypergamous marriage" with the combination of service in the state army was another way a tribal family could convert to Rajput. This process required a change in tradition, dressing, ending widow remarriage, etc. Such marriage of a tribal family with an acknowledged but possibly poor Rajput family would ultimately enable the non-Rajput family to become Rajput. This marriage pattern also supports the fact that Rajput was an "open caste category" available to those who served in the state army and could translate this service into grants and power at the local level.
Scholars also give some examples of entire communities of Shudra origin "becoming" Rajput even as late as the 20th century. William Rowe, in his "The new Chauhans : A caste mobility movement in North India", discusses an example of a large section of a Shudra caste – the Noniyas – from Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar that had "become" Chauhan Rajputs over three generations in the Raj era. The more wealthy or advanced Noniyas started by forming the Sri Rajput Pacharni Sabha (Rajput Advancement Society) in 1898 and emulating the Rajput lifestyle. They also started the wearing of Upanayana. Rowe states that at a historic meeting of the caste in 1936, every child this Noniya section knew about their Rajput heritage.
A caste of shepherds who were formerly Shudras successfully changed their status to Rajput in the Raj era and started wearing the sacred thread. They are now known as . (not to be confused with Sagar Rajputs of Bundelkhand which was a subclan of Bundela Rajputs and are considered to be the highest among all central India Rajputs).
The terminology "Rajput" as of now doesn't represent a hereditary status but it is a term commonly applied to all those people who fought on the horseback and were associated with paid military service. The Rajputs claim to be or descendants of Kshatriyas, but their actual status varies greatly, ranging from princely lineages to common cultivators The Rajputs of Rajasthan are known to hold distinctive identity as opposed to other regions. This identity is usually described as "proud Rajput of Rājputāna". Serving Empire, Serving Nation by Glenn J. Ames, The University of Toledo, p. 31 The of Rajasthan have often refused to acknowledge the warriors from regions outside of the Rajputana region as Rajputs. These western Rajputs restricted their social contact with the people of variety of ethnic and cultural backgrounds, who claimed Rajput status by following intermarriages between themselves and preserving their "purity of blood". Hence many Rajputs of Rajasthan are nostalgic about their past and keenly conscious of their genealogy, emphasising a Rajput ethos that is martial in spirit, with a fierce pride in lineage and tradition. However, by the 17th century, the Ujjainiya Rajput clan of Bihar was recognised as Parmar Rajputs by the Rajputs of Rajasthan and were allowed a place in the Rajasthani bardic khyat.
Dirk H. A. Kolff describes soldiers of Silhadi and Medini Rai with the terminology " Rajput" or " Pseudo Rajput" migrated from Bihar, Awadh and Varanasi. These Rajputs or the eastern Rajputs often accompanied the Rajputs of Rajasthan in their battles with the hordes of their supporters. They led the band of warriors called in order to assist their western counterparts.
Sivaji Koyal has explained the Rajputisation of a tribal chief by dividing it in 7 successional steps.
Rajputisation used to begin with an invitation by a "budding tribal Raja" to the Brahmins in order to seek their assistance in the establishment of a court for him, for which the Brahmins would receive "land and gifts". Later, the Brahmins would "somehow" discover that the tribal head is a Rajput and "his lineage was traced back to some important kshatriya dynasty of the past". After his proclamation as a Rajput, he would distance himself from the members of his tribe as they were supposedly of different bloodlines. Following that, he would raise his stature by hiring Brahmins as priests who used to appeal for the construction of temples in the honor of their gods.
In the next step, after amassing political and economic power, the Raja would establish "marriage alliances" with other Rajputs to infuse "Rajput blood into his family". This was followed by the springing up of sub–chiefs who used to follow suit of the "behavioral pattern of their king–master". The final step involved the inter–marriage between the nobles and the "lesser sons and daughters" of the Raja.
Sivaji Koyal is of the opinion that by the process of Rajputisation, the Huns were the first to receive proclamation as kshatriyas in India who were later on followed by Rajputana's Scythians, Gurjaradesa, and Maitrakas. Rajputisation of ruling group of a tribe who had formerly disassociated with the tribe and become Rajput was followed by a process called "Secondary Rajputisation" where the former members of the tribe would try to re-associate with their former chief and this claim to be Rajputs themselves. Rajputisation is said to have no parallel in traditional Indian society for "inventiveness in ideologies of legitimation".
+ Differences between Sanskritisation and Rajputisation |
Become Rajput |
Worship of Shiva and Shakti Priestly supervision of rites of passage |
Meat eating Imbibing alcohol and opium |
Wearing of sword for men Wearing of purdah (or veil) for women |
Right to all political occupations Aggrandize lands Adoption of code of violence Compilation of clan genealogies |
According to Patit Paban Mishra, "the 'kshatriyaisation' of tribal rulers and their surroundings, resulted in the Hinduisation of tribal areas".
Scholars note that scarcity of women among immigrant Thuljat Rajputs and Brahmins led to intermarriages with Khasi women, producing descendants who later claimed Rajput status. Over time, Khasa groups adopted Rajput practices such as wearing the sacred thread, worship of clan goddesses, and use of Rajput gotras.
By the medieval period many had become known as Khasi Rajputs, distinct from the immigrant Thuljat Rajputs (such as Chand, Chauhan, Negi, Rawat, Rautela, Bisht).
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