In Marxist theory, a semi-colony is a country which is officially recognized as a politically independent state and as a sovereign nation, but which is in reality dependent on and/or dominated by another (imperialist) country (or, in some cases, several imperialist countries or ).Ronaldo Munck, "Dependency and imperialism in Latin America: new horizons", in: Ronald H. Chilcote (ed.), The Political Economy of Imperialism. London: Bloomsbury, 2000. "Belgian financial domination of the Belgian Congo, because of the close connections of Belgian banking institutions with such international houses as Rothschild, Lazard Frères, and Schroder in their turn linked with the Morgan and Rockefeller groups, was shared with British, French and American finance." Kwame Nkrumah, Neo-colonialism: the last stage of imperialism. London: Thomas Nelson Sons, 1965, p. 40.[1] A country could have been independent before it became a semi-colony, and it could have gained full independence after it had been a semi-colony.
According to Michael Barratt Brown,
Some semi-colonies were originally "settler colonies" attracting large numbers of foreign immigrants,David Bedggood, "New Zealand's Semi-Colonial Development: A Marxist View". Journal of Sociology, volume 14, issue 3, 1978. while in other semi-colonies, the indigenous population always remained the vast majority of the population (see also dominant minority).Donald Denoon, Settler Capitalism: The Dynamics of Dependent Development in the Southern Hemisphere. Oxford University Press, 1983; Sai Englert, Settler Colonialism: An Introduction. London: Pluto, 2022.
There have been many different types, histories and gradations of colonization, and consequently also many different types, histories and gradations of decolonization.Stanley L. Engerman & Kenneth L. Sokoloff, Colonialism, inequality, and long-run paths of development. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, 2005. Colonization and decolonization processes in different places usually had both some common characteristics and some unique characteristics. Some analysts suggest that the general colonization and decolonization process can be periodized as a sequence of common "phases" or "stages".David Johnson, “Settler colonialism can’t fully explain our world”. Catalyst (New York), Jacobin Foundation, 3 september 2023.[2] Others argue that there is not really any substantive evidence for a universal sequence of events; each country has its own developmental path, influenced by national peculiarities and its position in the world capitalist order (see also uneven and combined development).Michael Löwy, The politics of uneven and combined development. London: Verso, 1987.
In many cases, there is no consensus or broad agreement among historians and social scientists about how exactly the terms "colony", "neo-colony" or "semi-colony" should be applied to a given dependent country.For example, Prabhakar Singh, "Of International Law, Semi-colonial Thailand, and Imperial Ghosts". Asian Journal of International Law, Vol.9, No. 1, 2018, pp. 1-29. To some extent, the descriptions can remain controversial or contested. Ronald H. Chilcote, Imperialism: Theoretical Directions. Humanities Press, 2000; Ronald H. Chilcote (ed.), The Political Economy of Imperialism. London: Bloomsbury, 2000.
The semi-colonial predicament however mainly disadvantages the majority of the working population in the semi-colony, insofar as balanced economic development in the semi-colony is impossible - that is, only those industries and institutions are developed in the semi-colony which mainly benefit foreign investors, or which mainly benefit/support the export trade (usually extractive mineral and foodstuff industries).*Ronald H. Chilcote, Dependency and Marxism: Toward a Resolution of the Debate.
The critical concept of a "semi-colony" () was popularized in the earlier years of the Communist International,Report of the Commission on the national and the colonial questions at the Second Congress of the Communist International, 26 July 1920; The Communist International, 1919-1943; documents, selected and edited by Jane Degras. Oxford University Press, 1956-65; Oleksa Drachewych, "Settler Colonialism and the Communist International", in: Immanuel Ness & Zak Cope (eds.), The Palgrave encyclopedia of imperialism and anti-imperialism, 2nd edition. Cham: Springer Nature, 2021, pp. 2417-2423. which classified the countries of the world as being either imperialist countries, or semi-colonies, or colonies. From that definition followed a political strategy for the labour movement in each type of country (for example as regards nationalisation of industry, workers' rights, democratisation, the ownership of land).Communist International, The revolutionary movement in the colonies: theses on the revolutionary movement in the colonies and semi-colonies. New York: Workers Library, 1929; William Henry Tobin, The communist theory of revolution in colonial and semi-colonial countries; its origin and early execution in the Chinese Revolution, 1920-1927. Phd dissertation, Harvard University, 1968. The general perspective of the Communist International was that it was impossible for semi-colonial countries to achieve substantive industrialisation, agrarian reform and the transformation of property relations without a socialist and democratic revolution. In other words, workers and peasants had to overthrow the power of the semi-colonial élite in order to liberate a semi-colony from its client-relationship with foreign powers and to make comprehensive local economic development possible.
The category of "intermediate countries" was officially added in the later 1920s. Thus, for example, at the 15th Congress of the CPSU in 1927, Stalin stated: Usually the "intermediate countries" were independent nations lacking colonies (or without significant foreign territories), with some industrial development as well as a traditional agricultural sector.
Subsequently, the theoretical discussion about the concept of a semi-colony was influenced by historical studies about semi-colonialism in pre-revolutionary China.Jürgen Osterhammel, "Semi-Colonialism and Informal Empire in Twentieth-Century China: Towards a Framework of Analysis". In: Wolfgang J. Mommsen, Imperialism and after: continuities and discontinuities. London: Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp. 290-314; Nicholas Zeller, "Semi-colonialism in China". in: Immanuel Ness & Zak Cope (eds.), The Palgrave encyclopedia of imperialism and anti-imperialism, 2nd edition. Cham: Springer Nature, 2021. pp. 2383-2396.
In his 1940 article On New Democracy, Mao Zedong wrote:
With the expansion of the world market and globalization especially from the 1970s onwards, the "semi-colonial" status of particular countries became more debatable because a number of them (such as the Four Asian Tigers, and the BRICS countries) were able to industrialize to a significant extent within the capitalist world market and without overthrowing the capitalist state, becoming at least "semi-industrialized" or even fully industrialized countries (see also newly industrialized country).Ernest Mandel, "Semicolonial Countries and Semi-Industrialized Dependent Countries", New International (New York), No.5, 1985, pp. 149–175); Nigel Harris, The end of the third world: newly industrializing countries and the decline of an ideology. London: Penguin Books, 1990. They gained more financial, political and cultural autonomy, they abandoned the old colonial culture, and the local elite became a major foreign investor in its own right. They were no longer clearly under the control of another foreign country, although to a considerable extent still dominated or politically influenced by wealthier countries and international financial institutions.
In the global perspective of the Communist International, each country in the world could be categorized and ranked according to its place in the hierarchy of the capitalist world order, and a correct political strategy could be defined accordingly, for each country. This approach was based on a specific Leninist interpretation of global imperialism and the division of the world into spheres of influence. However, across a hundred years of world development, all sorts of changes have taken place in how countries are positioned in the world economy and in global geopolitics. The majority of countries no longer have the same position that they used to have. This raises the question of whether the critical concept of a "semi-colony" is still relevant, or whether it has become an outdated, archaic concept that cannot accurately describe current realities in world society anymore.John Bellamy Foster, "The New Denial of Imperialism on the Left". Monthly Review (New York), Vol.76, No. 6, November 2024.[4]
For example, Australia (previously a colony, since 1901 a dominion of the British Empire, and since 1986 fully independent) has been described as a "client state"Greg Crough and Ted Wheelwright, Australia: A Client State. Ringwood, Victoria: Penguin Books, 1982. but also as an "imperialist" country.Tom Bramble, "Why Australia is an imperialist country". Red Flag (Socialist Alternative), 18 February 2018.[5] (see also Territorial evolution of Australia). Some scholars prefer to use the world-systems theory labels of "Core countries", "semi-periphery" and "periphery" to describe the structure of the capitalist world order. Other scholars regard the Wallersteinian "world system" classifications to be outdated in the new multipolar world order. Martin Wolf distinguishes between stagnant "low-income countries" and developing "low-income turned into middle-income countries"; he emphasizes the economic divergence of the two in the 21st century.Martin Wolf, "The case for persisting with foreign aid". Financial Times, 11 february 2025. Whatever the case, the definition of a country as a "semi-colony" usually refers to a specific critical analysis of its dependent place in the world economy, world trade and the world political order, as well as to its local political/economic culture and social structure.
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