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Uvira is a city strategically located in the South Kivu of the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Covering approximately 207 square kilometers and with an estimated population of 726,000 as of 2024, it borders Bafuliru Chiefdom and Ruzizi Plain Chiefdom to the north, Bavira Chiefdom to the south, and Lake Tanganyika and the Ruzizi River to the east. These rivers form Natural border between the DRC and Burundi. Located in the Ruzizi Plain at a low altitude, the city lies between Burundi's Congo-Nile ridge and the Mitumba mountains.
Uvira is the central hub of the surrounding Uvira Territory, with an economy anchored in trade, fishing, agriculture, and livestock farming, while the port of Kalundu provides regional transport routes across Lake Tanganyika, connecting the city with Kalemie, Kigoma, Mpulungu, and Bujumbura. The city is also an important religious center, serving as the episcopal seat of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Uvira, which is a Suffragan bishop of the Archdiocese of Bukavu.
Uvira has historically been shaped by waves of migration, Swahili people commercial expansion, and Belgian colonial administration. From the early 1900s, it became a strategic garrison of the Congo Free State, serving as a northernmost entry point from the Indian Ocean via Lake Tanganyika and a base for monitoring German East Africa positions in Ruanda-Urundi and Tanzania mainland. It hosted up to 1,800 troops under Inspector Paul Costermans and became the site of a war council on 17 October 1900, which established the Ruzizi River-Kivu Territory with Uvira as its headquarters. By a ministerial decree of 11 September 1911, Uvira became the seat of the Kivu Zone of the Stanleyville District; when Kivu was elevated to Kivu District on 3 November 1913, Uvira briefly served as the district capital until the seat was moved to Rutshuru in 1914. It later gained city status through a presidential decree in 2018, making it the second officially recognized city in South Kivu after Bukavu. Administratively, Uvira is subdivided into three communes: Kalundu, Mulongwe, and Kagando, and is home to a blend of ethnic diversity, dominated by the Fuliru people, Vira people, and Bembe people, alongside significant expatriate populations from neighboring and overseas countries. The city has also been significantly impacted by long-term conflict and frequent population displacements, which have affected the city and surrounding regions for nearly four decades.
Drought-adapted xerophilous groves host species resilient to the arid Microclimate of the region, while fragmented relics of Forest areas persist as ecological vestiges in transitional zones. Extensive deforestation, exacerbated by conflict-induced socio-economic strain, has significantly depleted these once-prominent forests.
The city experiences a tropical climate with a clear division between Wet season and Dry season. The wet season in Uvira typically occurs from January to mid-May and from mid-September to December, and a dry season spanning from June to September. Temperature variations align with the seasons and elevation, with lower temperatures in the high plateau (15° to 25°C) and moderate temperatures (20° to 30°C) in the Ruzizi Plain during the dry season.
A ministerial decree of 11 September 1911 redefined Kivu as a dependency of the Stanleyville District of Orientale Province. Uvira remained the administrative headquarters, but the territory was divided into three new sectors: Tanganyika (capital Uvira), Lake Edward (capital Beni), and Rutshuru. On 3 November 1913, Kivu was elevated to Kivu District within Orientale Province. At that time, the district comprised eight territories: Semliki (capital: Beni), "Kilofu" (capital: Masisi), Kivu (capital: Nyalukemba), Tanganyika (capital: Uvira), as well as Luofu, Rutshuru, Kwidjwi (Idjwi Territory), and Kalembelembe. Before this, the decree of 2 May 1910 had consolidated Belgian control by formalizing the system of chefferies (chiefdoms). It created a dual judicial system, with one for the colonized and another for the colonizers. Chiefs and sub-chiefs retained authority only insofar as their rulings conformed to colonial regulations. While framed as preserving "customary law", the system turned chiefs into intermediaries of colonial power, responsible for tax collection, labor recruitment, and land redistribution. In practice, it created an institutional buffer between rulers and ruled. In 1914, the capital was transferred from Uvira to Rutshuru.
Uvira's administrative structure was refined on 18 August 1928 with the establishment of Uvira Territory, organized into three chiefdoms: Bafuliru, Bavira, and Barundi (Ruzizi Plain). Ordinance-Law No. 21/91, issued on 25 February 1938, defined Uvira Territory's boundaries and administrative structure, which included three chiefdoms (Bafuliiru, Bavira, and the Ruzizi Plain), three urban centers (Uvira, Kiliba, and Sange), and three administrative posts (Makobola, Luvungi, and Mulenge). This administrative configuration remained unaltered by Order No. 67-221, issued on 3 May 1967.
In recognition of its growing population and economic significance, a 2013 Prime Ministerial decree granted city status to Uvira. Leading up to the 2018 general elections, the government reaffirmed this designation. On 27 December 2018, President Joseph Kabila formalized Uvira's city status through a presidential decree, which was further strengthened by Decree No. 13/029 on 13 June 2019. This decree conferred city and municipal status to various agglomerations in South Kivu, making Uvira the province's second city after Bukavu. Kiza Muhato, a noted civil society figure, was appointed as mayor, with Kifara Kapenda Kiki serving as the deputy mayor.
The city consists of three communes:
| 1. | Kabindula |
| 2. | Kakombe |
| 3. | Kalundu |
| 4. | Kasenga |
| 5. | Kavimvira |
| 6. | Kibondwe |
| 7. | Kilibula |
| 8. | Kimanga |
| 9. | Mulongwe |
| 10. | Nyamianda |
| 11. | Rombe I |
| 12. | Rombe II |
| 13. | Rugenge |
| 14. | Songo |
However, alternate historical accounts compiled by early European observers suggest that the entirety of the Uvira Territory, along with adjacent stretches of the western lakeshore extending northwards to Luvungi, was traditionally under the control of the Bahamba dynasty of the Fuliru people. This dynasty was centered in Lemera, located in the northwestern portion of the Ruzizi Plain. Congolese historian Shimbi Kamba Katchelewa, cited in Charles Katembo Kakozi's 2005 study Facteurs socio-politiques explicatifs des conflits dans la région des Grands Lacs Africains: Étude du cas d'Uvira en RDC, suggests that the earliest Fuliiru settlers originated from Luindi Chiefdom (present-day Luindi Chiefdom) and established key settlements in Mulenge, Luvungi, and Lemera between the 10th and 14th centuries. These foundational communities laid the groundwork for the emergence of what became known as the "Hamba Kingdom", ruled by the Bahamba clan. Other scholars, including Kingwengwe Mupe and Bosco Muchukiwa Rukakiza, place the migration of the Fuliiru from Lwindi at a later date, around the 17th century.
Historian Bishikwabo Chubaka notes that during the initial settlement period, the region of Fuliiru was sparsely populated. As a result, new groups were able to settle as long as they acknowledged the authority of the Bahamba dynasty's Mwami. The Mwami
It was within this context of shifting territorial dynamics that a group of Barundi migrants, originating from the left bank of the Ruzizi River, established themselves within "Bavira's Fuliiru territory". According to colonial administrators René Loons and Vanderghote, this migration occurred around 1800, when a Burundian prince from the Nyakarama lineage, Ndorogwe, settled his people in areas such as Mwihongero near Kiliba, and at Kihebo in the Ruzizi delta, gradually expanding as far north as Sange. Historian Jacques Depelchin notes that many of these migrants were of Hutu ethnicity. Complementary accounts, such as those of E. Simons, a colonial administrator in Burundi, suggest that by approximately 1850, a vassal of the Burundian Mwami Ntare II, named Rugendeza and affiliated with the Banyakahama lineage, was active along the shores of Lake Tanganyika and the Ruzizi River. Rugendeza is said to have fled Burundi due to burdensome salt levies imposed by the Mwami. Following Rugendeza's death, allegedly by poisoning after openly opposing King Ntare II, his successor, Kinyoni, severed ties with the Burundian monarchy and relocated his community further north into the Ruzizi Plain, eventually settling in Luberizi.
The legal and political legitimacy of the Barundi settlement in Bafuliiru territory remains a subject of historical debate. While Governor Alfred Moeller de Laddersous argued that the Barundi received the land from the Bavira, Belgian ethnographer Georges Weis contended that the land was unoccupied and underutilized due to its swampy conditions. Weis' hypothesis is supported by the fact that these lands were generally avoided by the Bavira and the Bafuliiru, who preferred more Arable land or elevated terrain. During the mid-19th century, the region was increasingly drawn into the orbit of Swahili people traders and slave raiders. Seeking to undermine existing traditional authority structures, Arab-Swahilis reportedly formed alliances with the Bavira and Barundi to weaken the position of the Fuliiru's Mwami. These alliances allowed the Bavira and Barundi to further consolidate their autonomy from the Bahamba dynasty, a process that continued under Lenghe's son and successor, Namuratwa, who significantly expanded his father's domain. He consolidated Bavira's control over the Lake Tanganyika littoral, stretching his influence southward to the Sandja River, northward to Sange, and westward into the highlands separating the area from Bulega. Despite these territorial gains, the Bavira's political and administrative authority remained primarily concentrated along the lakeshore, which would eventually evolve into the urban center of Uvira.
While the coastal populations showed varying degrees of cooperation, the interior regions fiercely resisted Arab-Swahili encroachment. Chiefs of Bashi and Bafuliiru remained firmly opposed to any contact with slave traders. Arab-Swahili forces and their allies were repeatedly compelled to retreat in the face of fierce resistance from the Bashi, Banyarwanda, and Barundi. As Chubaka noted, "Bushi were able to hold off the Swahili until the cruel famine of 1890, which ravaged South Kivu, opened the door to slavery there". During this severe drought ( kikamu kikayu), the desperation for survival drove some families to sell relatives in exchange for food. Chubaka also records that Bavira families were compelled to exchange children and dependents with the Arab-Swahili under such conditions. By 1892, Rumaliza had extended Arab-Swahili influence as far as Kaziba Chiefdom, where the traders negotiated peace with Mwami Cimanye I. Father Van der Burgt noted in his Dictionary that by 1897–8, there were a few discreet slave dealers in Uzige (in the region of Bujumbura), Bangwana (Islamized people from Unyamwezi or the Congo Basin), Basumbwa, Buvira, and Bayangayanga (peddlers from the southern part of Burundi, specialized in the trade of salt and iron). He added that a boy was worth two to four or strings of beads, while a girl was worth twice as much (a fundo was valued at 0.30F at that time).
The Arab-Swahili era coincided with outbreaks of smallpox ( karanda), leprosy ( bandoro), sleeping sickness, and venereal disease. Inhabitants of Uvira later associated these calamities with the arrival of Arab-Swahili traders, whether justly or not. Oral testimonies suggest that these diseases caused more visible suffering than the raids themselves.
According to Richard Francis Burton:
Trade expeditions in the region were organized as collective ventures that required significant coordination and resources. Wealthy traders typically led caravans consisting of 20 to 30 porters, providing food and logistical support, as well as exercising leadership. Accounts from the period describe how these groups would disperse to search for ivory or rubber, only to reconvene at predetermined times to begin their return journeys. These expeditions were fraught with risks, including frequent ambushes and occasional Mass killing. Despite the ostensibly egalitarian nature of these collective trading ventures, decision-making authority was concentrated in the hands of the wealthiest traders, who controlled the selection of routes, schedules, and destinations. Arab-Swahili sponsorship played a crucial role in these operations, offering financial backing and military protection, thus positioning these traders as intermediaries within a larger, mercantile capitalist system.
The presence of Arab-Swahili traders in the region was characterized by a system of exploitation at multiple levels. The value of goods exchanged often failed to correspond to the value of the Raw material extracted, a dynamic later described by scholars as the "circular economy of underdevelopment". This system involved the export of raw materials at low prices, which were subsequently re-imported as expensive manufactured goods, increasing foreign merchants while draining the local economy. However, certain local specialists, particularly those involved in the hoe-to-cattle exchange system, were able to convert imported goods into sustainable capital. Unlike rubber or ivory, which were finite and risk-laden, cattle offered a self-reproducing form of wealth that thus girded social prestige and provided economic stability. Prominent figures like Fuliiru Mwami Katembo rose to prominence by avoiding overreliance on ivory and rubber, instead focusing on the more sustainable trade in hoes and cattle. By the turn of the 20th century, the depletion of ivory, rubber, and slave supplies, coupled with the increasing control exerted by Belgian colonial authorities, led to the decline of Arab-Swahili dominance in the Uvira's trade networks.
In many instances, local auxiliaries and intermediaries were indistinguishable from their Arab-Swahili counterparts in the public eye, as prestige became increasingly tied to participation in the trade economy and adherence to Islamic cultural norms. Wealthy merchants, regardless of origin, accumulated land, dependents, wives, and prestige goods that rivaled the power of traditional chiefs. Some chiefs, recognizing the shifting balance of power, aligned themselves with Arab-Swahili traders to retain or enhance their authority.
These political ramifications were particularly pronounced in Bufuliru, where coastal Bavira and Barundi deepened their collaboration with Arab-Swahili traders. Meanwhile, more interior Shi and Fuliiru chiefs remained staunchly resistant to external influence.
From Kabambare, Commander Hubert Lothaire advanced toward Tanganyika and dispatched Constant Wauters at the head of a column to establish contact with the soldiers of the Belgian Anti-Slavery Society ( Société antiesclavagiste de Belgique), commanded by Édouard Descamps. The junction of the two forces took place on 10 February 1894, some sixty kilometers from Kalemie. Their combined strength then marched northward in pursuit of Rumaliza, advancing so rapidly that the fugitives had no time to reorganize their defenses. Within only six weeks, Lothaire succeeded in clearing Arab-Swahili influence from the entire corridor between Kabambare and Uvira. On 17 March 1894, the allied forces arrived at Uvira, where they encountered the most formidable of the slave traders' strongholds: a fortified position known as "Bwana Soro", considered at the time a model fortress capable of resisting prolonged siege. Rumaliza and the remnants of his forces escaped across Lake Tanganyika into German East Africa. The Belgian authorities then integrated the established trade networks into their colonial administration to generate tax revenue. Uvira and Luvungi became important centers of commerce, employment, and protection for local mountain populations. The alliance between European colonizers and Arab-Swahili traders, however, proved short-lived, dissolving around 1920 as colonial structures took full precedence.
With a force of some 800 men, Hecq and Hennebert launched a series of coordinated offensives in October 1899, defeating the mutineers at Lungula, Baraka, and Kaboge. In the latter battle, the last significant mutineer leader, Changuvu, was killed, reportedly by five bullets fired personally by Hennebert. The remaining rebels attempted to regroup at Uvira, but they were pursued by Hecq, who recaptured the town on 16 October 1899, which then ended the revolt's last stronghold. After these victories, the Force Publique fortified Uvira and installed artillery to secure the post, making it the linchpin of colonial administration in the region. The surrounding Kivu posts were reorganized, and new stations were established at Luberizi, Cyangugu (Rwanda), and Nyakagunda River (Burundi) to prevent additional insurgency.
Though Uvira was secured, remnants of the mutineers dispersed across Rwanda, the Ruzizi Plain, and the Bulega forest. A report dated 1 August 1900 recorded that a group of 400 men, 100 women, and boys crossed the Ruzizi River and surrendered to the German post in Rwanda, handing over 390 rifles, a formal surrender that signaled the beginning of the collapse of the mutineers' military capacity, though other factions attempted to regroup and continue resistance. In 1901, another band set out from Uvira in an attempt to reach Lokandu, but the Force Publique officer Anderson, acting under the orders of Fernand-Octave-Stanislas Éloy, was tasked with blocking their advance and received crucial assistance from Ruzizi Plain Murundi chief Kinyoni. Nevertheless, Anderson's pursuit was halted by the dense Bamboo forest separating Kaziba Chiefdom from Bufuliiru, which prevented additional movement, allowing the rebels to divert toward Ngweshe Chiefdom and Kabare Territory, where local inhabitants massacred large numbers of them. Meanwhile, another group of mutineers fortified themselves in nearby forests, firing occasional shots in the direction of Uvira. In response, Commander Éloy dispatched a detachment of 350 men under the command of Frederik-Valdemar Olsen and Danna, who confronted an estimated 500 rebels and rapidly dispersed them. The mutineers split, with one group fleeing directly into Rwanda and another, after clashing with Bashi warriors, being defeated and ultimately surrendering to the German authorities, and these operations crushed the last organized resistance.
Initially subordinated to the Stanley Falls District, Kivu underwent administrative reorganization in 1900 with the creation of the Territory of Ruzizi-Kivu ( Territoire de Ruzizi-Kivu), extending from Kamanyola to the Kihimbi River, and with Uvira designated as its administrative capital. On 17 October 1900, a war council established in Uvira subdivided the territory into two administrative zones: Rutshuru–Beni and Uvira. By 1904, the Uvira zone comprised six sectors: Uvira, Luvungi, Baraka, Kalembelembe, Bobandana, and Nyalukemba (modern-day Bukavu). On 18 October 1908, King Leopold II ceded the EIC to Belgium, transitioning the territory into what would become the Belgian Congo. A ministerial decree of 11 September 1911 placed Kivu under the jurisdiction of the Stanleyville District in Orientale Province. Uvira retained its role as administrative headquarters, but the territory was restructured into three new sectors: Tanganyika (capital: Uvira), Lake Edward (capital: Beni), and Rutshuru. On 3 November 1913, Kivu was elevated to Kivu District within Orientale Province, and in 1914 the capital shifted from Uvira to Rutshuru. Despite this administrative centrality diminution, Uvira remained an important commercial hub at the crossroads of routes linking Burundi, Tanzania, Katanga Province, and the rest of Kivu, as well as a fortified garrison town, with its contingent growing from 650 to over 1,300 soldiers between 1900 and 1909. During September 1914, German forces violated Congolese neutrality by destroying Belgian positions, boats, and telegraph lines in Uvira, which then prompted Belgian and British counteroffensives that systematically dismantled German strongholds along the frontier.
Resistance to colonial demands was widespread. Chiefs who resisted forced labor and taxation were imprisoned or exiled through the system of rélegation, with several prominent Bafuliiru leaders, including Mweni, Mbabaro, and Mukogabwe, deported during the 1920s and 1930s. In contrast, the Vira largely cooperated with the colonial administration, an alliance that enabled them to preserve limited autonomy vis-à-vis their overlord, the Fuliiru chief Nyamugira I. These political asymmetries were codified by a decree of 18 August 1928 from the District Commissioner of Kivu ( commissaire de district du Kivu), which created three distinct chiefdoms: Bafuliiru, Bavira, and Ruzizi Plain Chiefdom, forming the core administrative units of the newly constituted Uvira Territory. Within this framework, Uvira, alongside Kiliba and Sange, emerged as one of the principal urban centers of the territory. Colonial rule significantly altered the traditional system of succession and authority among chiefs. Oral testimonies indicate that, before European intervention, succession rules were respected mainly; however, colonial interference eroded the traditional legitimacy. Chiefs like Mukogabwe (chief from 1914 to 1927) abused their power, but his removal was not solely due to atrocities; it also stemmed from his failure to adhere to Belgian expectations and his conflicts with wealthy cattle owners, whose cooperation with the colonial administration was crucial. Successions became increasingly manipulated, with figures such as the Barundi leader Rubisha seeking to replace legitimate heirs through colonial favor. The political system established in Uvira Territory resembled a quasi-feudal structure, with chiefs extracting tribute from their subjects while simultaneously serving colonial demands for labor and taxes. Local populations found themselves bound by obligations to their traditional rulers and the colonial state, creating a hybrid system that blended pre-capitalist and capitalist modes of production. This structure allowed Belgium to exploit the region's land and labor while maintaining indigenous authority, which redirected tensions between chiefs and their subjects away from confrontation with the colonial powers.
In 1932, a deep-water harbor was finished in Uvira to enhance its strategic advantage. Around the same time, a railway line was constructed, initially planned to connect Uvira with Bukavu, though it was only completed as far as Kamanyola, just north of Uvira. Despite these infrastructural developments, Uvira did not fully attain the status of a colonial town in the classical sense. It was envisioned as an urban administrative center, but its growth was hindered by the rapid expansion of nearby cities such as Bujumbura (now Bujumbura in Burundi) and Bukavu. The town's physical layout was shaped by colonial segregationist policies. Europeans resided in the administrative center, where government buildings and residential quarters ( quartiers) were concentrated, while Africans were confined to peripheral settlements such as Mulongwe and Kalundu. Others lived in adjacent rural areas that remain part of Uvira's territorial footprint today. This segregated spatial organization played a role in Uvira's development as a semi-urban area rather than a fully developed town.
Uvira's local dynamics also complicated the conflict as political tensions arose between Moïse Marandura, elected to the provincial assembly in 1960, and Fuliiru Mwami Simba. Marandura attempted to depose Simba, not to assume the chieftaincy himself, but to claim the broader title of "president of the Bufuliiru". When this initiative failed, he sought to renegotiate Simba's agreements permitting Barundi settlement along the Ruzizi River and aspired to be recognized as mwami of the Ruzizi Plain Chiefdom. The unresolved dispute fueled hostilities when the rebellion erupted. Marandura's rhetoric in 1963 framed the rebellion as a grassroots struggle against politicians and traditional chiefs, accusing them of betrayal. Although Patrice Lumumba's Mouvement National Congolais (MNC) had been weakened after Lumumba's assassination in 1961, it continued to provide ideological grounding by portraying itself as a defender of rural communities. Nonetheless, the Mulelist rebellion lacked cohesion and ideological clarity, often devolving into local vendettas. In Uvira, the insurgents, predominantly Fuliiru and Vira people alongside some Barundi and Banyamulenge, directed violence against traditional chiefs, wealthy individuals, and community elites, particularly those owning cattle, trucks, or shops. Many chiefs and sub-chiefs fled to Bukavu or across the border into Burundi, while indiscriminate killings undermined the movement's broader support.
The violence precipitated mass displacement, with many residents fleeing to Burundi. This exodus weakened the rebellion locally, and by late 1965 government forces had reasserted control in the Ruzizi Plain. Pockets of resistance, however, persisted in mountainous areas, with reports of insurgent activity continuing into the early 1970s.
The violence triggered a massive exodus, with more than two million Rwandan Hutus, including civilians and Interahamwe militia members, fleeing into eastern Zaire, particularly into North Kivu and South Kivu. By this period, Mobutu Sese Seko's regime had lost much of its capacity to control the national territory. In early 1996, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), the Ugandan military, and the Forces Armées Burundaises (FAB) provided support to Banyamulenge and other Tutsi armed groups in the borderlands. On 18 October 1996, the AFDL (AFDL), led by Laurent-Désiré Kabila, was formally established with direct backing from the RPA and FAB. According to UNHCR estimates, Uvira Territory hosted approximately 219,466 refugees at the time, two-thirds of whom were Burundians, dispersed across eleven camps along the Ruzizi River. Their presence in densely concentrated sites made them acutely vulnerable to military operations. On the day of the AFDL's official proclamation, combined AFDL and RPA forces launched a coordinated assault in Uvira Territory, during which at least 88 civilians were killed in Kiliba, with 15 buried in Uvira.
Between 24 and 25 October 1996, AFDL, RPA, and FAB troops captured Uvira, routing the Forces Armées Zaïroises (FAZ) and consolidating control over the broader Uvira Territory. As Burundian and Rwandan refugees scattered in multiple directions, the occupying forces established checkpoints throughout the Ruzizi Plain, including at Bwegera, Sange, Luberizi, and Kiliba, as well as at strategic points such as the entrance to Uvira, Makobola II in Fizi Territory, and the Rushima ravine in Uvira Territory. At these posts, people were screened under the pretext of repatriation, with those identified as Rwandan or Burundian Hutus, often distinguished by accent, physical traits, or clothing, systematically separated and executed in nearby locations, and numerous mass killings were reported during this period.
Tensions escalated sharply in July 1998 when Kabila, fearing a coup, dismissed Rwandan General James Kabarebe from his post as Chief of Staff of the Congolese Armed Forces ( Forces armées congolaises; FAC) and ordered the withdrawal of all RPA personnel from Congolese territory. In response, Rwanda and Uganda sponsored the creation of a new insurgency, the Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie (RCD). On 2 August 1998, mutinous Congolese soldiers allied with the RPA, the Ugandan People's Defence Force (UPDF), the FAB, and remnants of FAZ, announced their rebellion through Radio-Télévision Nationale Congolaise (RTNC) in Goma. Within weeks, the RCD and its allies had captured key urban centers across North and South Kivu, Orientale Province, and northern Katanga, and advanced deep into Équateur Province. Their attempted march on Kinshasa and Kongo Central (now Kongo Central) was ultimately repelled by Forças Armadas Angolanas (FAA) and Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) intervention on behalf of Kabila. The war rapidly fractured the Congolese state into rival spheres of control as Kabila's government retained authority over the western and southern regions of the country, supported militarily by ZDF, FAA, the Namibia Defence Force (NDF), the Armée Nationale Tchadienne (ANT), and the Sudanese government. By contrast, the east fell under the control of the RCD's armed wing, the Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC), backed principally by Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi. In an effort to counterbalance the ANC's influence, Kinshasa cultivated alliances with a diverse spectrum of actors, including Mai-Mai groups, the Burundian Hutu movement Forces pour la Défense de la Démocratie (FDD), and remnants of the ex- Forces Armées Rwandaises (FAR) and Interahamwe, reorganized under the banner of the Armée de Libération du Rwanda (ALiR). Meanwhile, Uganda consolidated its grip on Orientale Province by sponsoring the Mouvement pour la Libération du Congo (MLC) under Jean-Pierre Bemba, which administered territories in Équateur Province. Growing rivalry between Uganda and Rwanda for territorial and economic influence triggered, in March 1999, a schism within the RCD, producing a pro-Rwandan faction (RCD-Goma) and a pro-Ugandan faction (RCD- Mouvement de Libération, later RCD-ML).
In Uvira and the wider Uvira Territory, RCD-Goma and the ANC secured control of major towns in collaboration with the RPA and FAB. However, their authority remained tenuous in rural areas, where resentment toward the RCD's reliance on Rwandan support and its perceived alignment with Tutsi and Banyamulenge communities fostered opposition. Reports of systematic abuses by RCD forces, including Massacre, forced recruitment, and widespread sexual violence, also alienated local populations. This volatile environment provided fertile ground for the expansion of Mayi-Mayi militias, as young men joined established factions or founded new ones, such as Mudundu 40 in Walungu Territory. Some of these groups entered into tactical alliances with ex-FAR/Interahamwe units within the ALiR, as well as with the Burundian Hutu CNDD-FDD. While certain Mayi-Mayi divisions, notably General Padiri's forces in Bunyakiri and Colonel Dunia's Forces d'Autodéfense Populaires (FAP) in Shabunda Territory, received material assistance from Kinshasa, many operated autonomously. Their attacks on RCD-Goma positions prompted retaliatory operations by the ANC, RPA, and FAB, which often included indiscriminate violence against civilians, mass displacement, and large-scale sexual assault, and on 6 August 1998, these units killed tens of civilians in Uvira.
The official end of the war came in July 2003 with the signing of the Global and All-Inclusive Agreement on Transition in Kinshasa. However, despite the formal end of the war, the region continues to face sporadic outbreaks of violence, often involving armed groups, militias, and inter-communal tensions. These ongoing conflicts have resulted in further violence, population displacement, and human rights abuses in Uvira and its surrounding areas. In 2017, the CNPSC rebel group launched an attack on the city, which was repelled by the national army and MONUSCO forces.
In addition to crops, the city's food economy depends on its environmental resources: the fertile Ruzizi Plain yields agricultural surpluses, while the while upland areas are important for livestock farming. In recent innovations include the introduction of onion cultivation in Kitembe, pioneered by a local farmer, and the integration of Amaranth and spring onions in Kahololo. Institutionally, Uvira hosts Nabahya Food Institute, a key agricultural organization, along with the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture's research station.
Fishing contributes to food security, alleviating malnutrition, and improving the Nutrition of communities, particularly those living in rural areas or in nearby cities and towns such as Sange, Luvungi, and Kiliba. It also provides significant income-generating opportunities for farmers and entrepreneurs, who sell their fish products in notable markets such as Marché Maendeleo, Marché Kalimabenge, and Marché Mulongwe.
Uvira is also home to the Centre de Recherche en Hydrobiologie (CRH-Uvira), a leading institution dedicated to the scientific study of freshwater ecosystems. Founded on 26 May 1950 as the Centre de Recherche Scientifique du Tanganyika under the auspices of the Belgian Institut de Recherche Scientifique en Afrique Centrale (IRSAC), the center conducts research on the biology, ecology, and conservation of aquatic life in Lake Tanganyika.
Family-based Livestock is widespread in Uvira. Historical records from 1900 counted 105 head of large stock and 195 of small stock in the city, while Luberizi in Uvira Territory registered 81 and 53, and Bukavu 76 and 43, respectively. Common livestock includes cattle, Goat, sheep, and Pig. Poultry farming is also prevalent, with nearly every family in the city engaged in rearing Chicken, turkeys, Rabbit, Guinea pig, and other fowl.
The primary communication channels that facilitate traffic with the outside world are:
The microfinance institution COOPEC–Kalundu, which seeks to provide grant loans and encourage savings among its members, is based in the Songo neighborhood along Main Road No. 5, Alpha Avenue, in Kalundu, Uvira. The city is also home to a PAIDEK branch.
Most petroleum products consumed in Uvira are transported by Tank truck from Kenya (notably from Kisumu, Eldoret, and Mombasa), where pipelines and refineries are situated. Although the DRC has petroleum reserves, particularly in Kongo Central, these are often exported in crude form to countries like Italy for refining. This reliance on imports places a strain on the country's trade balance and diverts valuable foreign currency to overseas suppliers.
According to the 2011 report of the Hydrocarbon service in Uvira, 24 service stations were recorded, though only a portion remain operational today due to closures or ongoing rehabilitation. Among the key facilities are three barge tankers:
| 1. | GINKI | GINKI | Private | 624 | 9 | 2010 | In service |
| 2. | Kalonda | Société nationale des chemins de fer du Congo | Public | 120 | 1 | — | In service |
| 3. | Mvua | Société nationale des chemins de fer du Congo | Public | 900 | 4 | — | Not in service |
Uvira consists of 14 neighborhoods ( quartiers), with Kakombe having the highest population density. It had a workforce of 24,407 residents as of 2014, accounting for 12.5% of the city's total population. Mulongwe and Kibondwe neighborhoods had the second and third-highest populations, with 20,531 and 3,687 inhabitants, respectively. The 2014 civil status statistics for Uvira's neighborhoods ( quartiers):
| 1. | Kabindula | 14,306 |
| 2. | Kakombe | 24,174 |
| 3. | Kalundu | 23,549 |
| 4. | Kasenga | 19,449 |
| 5. | Kavimvira | 19,549 |
| 6. | Kibondwe | 4,947 |
| 7. | Kilibula | 9,320 |
| 8. | Kimanga | 13,656 |
| 9. | Mulongwe | 22,998 |
| 10. | Nyamianda | 11,230 |
| 11. | Rombe I | 20,832 |
| 12. | Rombe II | 16,046 |
| 13. | Rugenge | 6,185 |
| 14. | Songo | 19,118 |
The Kimbanguism, a distinctly Congolese Christian sect, constitutes a significant facet of the city's religious identity. Non-Christian faiths, although constituting a minority, contribute to the city's spiritual diversity. This includes a small Muslims community as well as other religious entities such as the Church of "Dieu Poisson", colloquially referred to as Mayebo.
The city's foundations of education are linked to the colonial system of the Belgian Congo. At the time, the Congolese education structure mirrored that of Belgium. Primary education lasted six years (ages 6–12), followed by a secondary cycle of six years, divided into lower and upper levels. Secondary studies were organized into three main tracks: classical humanities (Greek, Latin, mathematics), modern humanities (technical, scientific, commercial), and professional or domestic humanities. Completion of the secondary cycle awarded the Diplôme d'État (State Diploma), equivalent to the French baccalauréat, granting access either to higher non-university studies (two to four years) or to university studies. The higher cycle included candidature years, a licentiate program, and potentially a doctoral thesis. This colonial legacy strongly influenced the organization of schools in Uvira after independence.
Like elsewhere in the DRC, Uvira's education system is organized in the following stages:
While reforms have been introduced, the higher education structure largely retains the Belgian-inspired model, with academic ranks and administrative titles such as Professeur ordinaire, chef de travaux, assistant, recteur (rector), and doyen (dean).
| Institut Mwanga d'Uvira |
| Institut Zawadi Ya Rais |
| Institut Kalundu |
| Institut Nuru |
| Institut Lumbimbi |
| Institut Kasenga |
| Institut du Lac/Kavimvira |
| Institut Kitundu |
| Institut Mgr Guido Maria Conforti |
| Institut Notre Dame Aux Larmes |
| EP Muhe |
| EP Lukula |
| CS Nuru |
| CS Action Kusaidia |
| CS Maranatha |
| CS Amani |
| EP Kalundu |
| EP Kanvivira |
| EP Lumbimbi |
| EP Kasenga |
| EP Les Anges |
| EP Munanira |
Health facility in the region includes:
Sanitation infrastructure was similarly inadequate, with no centralized wastewater management system in place. Households rely predominantly on shared latrines (41%), private outdoor latrines (27%), or engage in open defecation (20%).
In response to these challenges, the French Development Agency (AFD), the Veolia Foundation (VF), and Regideso launched a comprehensive water infrastructure improvement project in 2014. It encompassed significant upgrades to the city's water supply system, including the refurbishment of the primary Water extraction on the Mulongwe River, modernization of water treatment and pumping stations, construction of a 1,600-m³ storage tank in the southern sector, and development of a piped distribution network with household connections. Key improvements included the expansion of the water treatment plant's capacity through advanced coagulation, flocculation, sand filtration, and chlorination processes. Additionally, a new 2,000-m³ storage tank was constructed in the city's northern area, and 24 kilometers of new water pipes were installed alongside the rehabilitation of 10 kilometers of existing pipes. The project initially targeted the installation of 115 new community taps and the establishment or rehabilitation of 2,997 private water connections. Between September 2019 and December 2021, significant progress was achieved, with 56 community taps installed, 1,191 new private connections established, and 717 existing connections rehabilitated. By the conclusion of the extended initiative, 2,368 private connections and 93 community taps had been rendered operational.
In addition to its sporting infrastructure, Uvira offers various recreational venues, such as performance halls like Baraza la Parokya and the chapel school, as well as the grand hall of the Mulongwe parish. Moreover, the city is dotted with bars, clubs, dancing clubs, cabarets, and bistros. Uvira's coastal areas, especially Saga I and Saga II beaches, are also a hit among visitors.
Some of the city's prominent media outlets includes:
The city is also home to several Local news outlets:
Beginning in February 2024, Uvira experienced an alarming rise in Lake Tanganyika's water levels, coupled with overflowing rivers, including the Mulongwe, Kalimabenge, Kamvimvira, and Kabimba. Floodwaters affected neighborhoods such as Kalundu, Namianda, Kimanga, Rombe I, Rombe II, Kakombe, Kilibula, Kasenga, Kabimba, and Kanvinvira, leading to widespread destruction. By April 2024, over 6,861 households, accounting for more than 34,358 internally displaced people had been impacted. Of these, 6,530 households found refuge with host families, while 331 households were relocated to collective centers. The deluge inundated over 2,800 homes, damaged 17 Primary school, 20 Secondary school, 7 Preschool, and 3 University, and disrupted 9 local churches. Public water infrastructure was severely compromised, with over 800 drinking water taps rendered nonfunctional. Additionally, five major markets—Marché de Frontière, Marché Tumaini Africa, Marché Kunzira, Marché Zaïrois, and Marché Maendeleo—were flooded. Key transportation and trade hubs, including the ports of Kalundu and Kasenga as well as Maendeleo Beach, were submerged. The agricultural sector also suffered, with over 120 hectares of farmland inundated. Eight months post-flooding, the ramifications remain unresolved. Many displaced people continue to reside with host families, as extensive portions of Uvira, including segments of its city center, remain uninhabitable. Lake Tanganyika's water levels have yet to recede to their pre-crisis levels.
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