Marginalism is a theory of economics that attempts to explain the discrepancy in the value of goods and services by reference to their secondary, or marginal, utility. It states that the reason why the price of diamonds is higher than that of water, for example, owes to the greater additional satisfaction of the diamonds over the water. Thus, while the water has greater total utility, the diamond has greater marginal utility.
Although the central concept of marginalism is that of marginal utility, marginalists, following the lead of Alfred Marshall, drew upon the idea of Marginal product in explanation of cost. The neoclassical tradition that emerged from British marginalism abandoned the concept of utility and gave marginal rates of substitution a more fundamental role in analysis. Marginalism is an integral part of mainstream economic theory.
A value that holds true given particular constraints is a marginal value. A change that would be affected as or by a specific loosening or tightening of those constraints is a marginal change.
Neoclassical economics usually assumes that marginal changes are or limits. Although this assumption makes the analysis less robust, it increases tractability. One is therefore often told that "marginal" is synonymous with "very small", though in more general analysis this may not be operationally true and would not in any case be literally true. Frequently, economic analysis concerns the marginal values associated with a change of one unit of a resource, because decisions are often made in terms of units; marginalism seeks to explain unit prices in terms of such marginal values.
Marginalism assumes, for any given agent, economic rationality and an Order theory of possible states-of-the-world, such that, for any given set of constraints, there is an attainable state which is best in the eyes of that agent. Positivism marginalism asserts that choice amongst the specific means by which various anticipated specific states-of-the-world (outcomes) might be affected is governed only by the distinctions amongst those specific outcomes; prescriptive marginalism asserts that such choice ought to be so governed.
On such assumptions, each increase would be put to the specific, feasible, previously unrealized use of greatest priority, and each decrease would result in abandonment of the use of lowest priority amongst the uses to which the good or service had been put.
In 20th century mainstream economics, the term "utility" has come to be formally defined as a quantification capturing preferences by assigning greater quantities to states, goods, services, or applications that are of higher priority. But marginalism and the concept of marginal utility predate the establishment of this convention within economics. The more general conception of utility is that of use or usefulness, and this conception is at the heart of marginalism; the term "marginal utility" arose from translation of the German "Grenznutzen",von Wieser, Friedrich; Der natürliche Werth [ Natural Value] (1889), Bk I Ch V "Marginal Utility" ( HTML). which literally means border use, referring directly to the marginal use, and the more general formulations of marginal utility do not treat quantification as an essential feature.Mc Culloch, James Huston; "The Austrian Theory of the Marginal Use and of Ordinal Marginal Utility", Zeitschrift für Nationalökonomie 37 (1973) #3&4 (September). On the other hand, none of the early marginalists insisted that utility were not quantified,George Stigler; "The Development of Utility Theory" Journal of Political Economy (1950).George Stigler; "The Adoption of Marginal Utility Theory" History of Political Economy (1972). some indeed treated quantification as an essential feature, and those who did not still used an assumption of quantification for expository purposes. In this context, it is not surprising to find many presentations that fail to recognize a more general approach.
Mainstream neoclassical economics will typically assume that
An individual will typically be able to partially order the potential uses of a good or service. If there is scarcity, then a rational agent will satisfy wants of highest possible priority, so that no want is avoidably sacrificed to satisfy a want of lower priority. In the absence of complementarity across the uses, this will imply that the priority of use of any additional amount will be lower than the priority of the established uses, as in this famous example:
Without the presumption that utility is quantified, the diminishing of utility should not be taken to be itself an arithmetic subtraction. It is the movement from use of higher to lower priority, and may be no more than a purely Ranking change.Theodore-Angwenyi, Nicholas; "Utility", International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (1968).
When quantification of utility is assumed, diminishing marginal utility corresponds to a utility function whose slope is continually or continuously decreasing. In the latter case, if the function is also smooth, then the law may be expressed as
When goods and services are discrete, the least favorable rate at which an agent would trade A for B will usually be different from that at which she would trade B for A:
When the goods and services are continuously divisible in the limiting case
If, for example, Lisa will not trade a goat for anything less than two sheep, then her
If she will not trade a sheep for anything less than two goats, then her
However, if she would trade one gram of banana for one ounce of ice cream and vice versa, then
When indifference curves (which are essentially graphs of instantaneous rates of substitution) and the convexity of those curves are not taken as given, the "law" of diminishing marginal utility is invoked to explain diminishing marginal rates of substitution – a willingness to accept fewer units of good or service in substitution for as one's holdings of grow relative to those of . If an individual has a stock or flow of a good or service whose marginal utility is less than would be that of some other good or service for which he or she could trade, then it is in his or her interest to effect that trade. As one thing is traded-away and another is acquired, the respective marginal gains or losses from further trades are now changed. On the assumption that the marginal utility of one is diminishing, and the other is not increasing, all else being equal, an individual will demand an increasing ratio of that which is acquired to that which is sacrificed. One important way in which all else might not be equal is when the use of the one good or service complements that of the other. In such cases, exchange ratios might be constant. If any trader can better his or her own marginal position by offering an exchange more favorable to other traders with desired goods or services, then he or she will do so.
A thorough-going marginalism sees marginal cost as increasing under the law of diminishing marginal utility, because applying resources to one application reduces their availability to other applications. Neoclassical economics tends to disregard this argument, but to see marginal costs as increasing in consequence of diminishing returns.
At any given price, a prospective buyer has some marginal rate of substitution of money for the good or service in question. Given the "law" of diminishing marginal utility, or otherwise given convex indifference curves, the rates are such that the willingness to forgo money for the good or service decreases as the buyer would have ever more of the good or service and ever less money. Hence, any given buyer has a demand schedule that generally decreases in response to price (at least until quantity demanded reaches zero). The aggregate quantity demanded by all buyers is, at any given price, just the sum of the quantities demanded by individual buyers, so it too decreases as price increases.
Marginalists in the tradition of Alfred Marshall and neoclassical economists tend to represent the supply curve for any producer as a curve of marginal pecuniary costs objectively determined by physical processes, with an upward slope determined by diminishing returns.
A more thorough-going marginalism represents the supply curve as a complementary demand curve – where the demand is for money and the purchase is made with a good or service.Schumpeter, Joseph Alois; History of Economic Analysis (1954) Pt IV Ch 6 §4. The shape of that curve is then determined by marginal rates of substitution of money for that good or service.
That is not to say that the price of any good or service is simply a function of the marginal utility that it has for any one individual nor for some ostensibly typical individual. Rather, individuals are willing to trade based upon the respective marginal utilities of the goods that they have or desire (with these marginal utilities being distinct for each potential trader), and prices thus develop constrained by these marginal utilities.
There has been marked disagreement about the development and role of marginal considerations in Aristotle's' value theory.Soudek, Josef; "Aristotle's Theory of Exchange: An Inquiry into the Origin of Economic Analysis", Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society v 96 (1952) pp. 45–75.Kauder, Emil; "Genesis of the Marginal Utility Theory from Aristotle to the End of the Eighteenth Century", Economic Journal v 63 (1953) pp. 638–50.Gordon, Barry Lewis John; "Aristotle and the Development of Value Theory", Quarterly Journal of Economics v 78 (1964).Schumpeter, Joseph Alois; History of Economic Analysis (1954) Part II Chapter 1 §3.Meikle, Scott; Aristotle's Economic Thought (1995) Chapters 1, 2, & 6.
A great variety of economists concluded that there was some sort of inter-relationship between utility and rarity that effected economic decisions, and in turn informed the determination of prices.Přibram, Karl; A History of Economic Reasoning (1983).
Eighteenth-century Italian Mercantilism, such as Antonio Genovesi, Giammaria Ortes, Pietro Verri, Cesare Beccaria, and Giovanni Rinaldo, held that value was explained in terms of the general utility and of scarcity, though they did not typically work-out a theory of how these interacted.Pribram, Karl; A History of Economic Reasoning (1983), Chapter 5 "Refined Mercantilism", "Italian Mercantilists". In Della Moneta (1751), Abbé Ferdinando Galiani, a pupil of Genovesi, attempted to explain value as a ratio of two ratios, utility and scarcity, with the latter component ratio being the ratio of quantity to use.
Anne Robert Jacques Turgot, in Réflexions sur la formation et la distribution de richesse (1769), held that value derived from the general utility of the class to which a good belonged, from comparison of present and future wants, and from anticipated difficulties in procurement.
Like the Italian mercantilists, Étienne Bonnot de Condillac saw value as determined by utility associated with the class to which the good belongs, and by estimated scarcity. In De commerce et le gouvernement (1776), Condillac emphasized that value is not based upon cost but that costs were paid because of value.
This last point was famously restated by the 19th-century proto-marginalist Richard Whately, who wrote as follows in Introductory Lectures on Political Economy (1832):
Whately's student Nassau William Senior is noted below as an early marginalist.
Frédéric Bastiat in chapters V and XI of his Economic Harmonies (1850) also develops a theory of value as ratio between services that increment utility, rather than between total utility.
In "A Lecture on the Notion of Value as Distinguished Not Only from Utility, but also from Value in Exchange",Finally some recognition that the guidance isn't clear. delivered in 1833 and included in Lectures on Population, Value, Poor Laws and Rent (1837), William Forster Lloyd explicitly offered a general marginal utility theory, but did not offer its derivation nor elaborate its implications. The importance of his statement seems to have been lost on everyone (including Lloyd) until the early 20th century, by which time others had independently developed and popularized the same insight.Seligman, Edwin Robert Anderson; "On some neglected British economists", Economic Journal v. 13 (September 1903).
In An Outline of the Science of Political Economy (1836), Nassau William Senior asserted that marginal utilities were the ultimate determinant of demand, yet apparently did not pursue implications, though some interpret his work as indeed doing just that.White, Michael V; "Diamonds Are Forever(?): Nassau Senior and Utility Theory" in The Manchester School of Economic & Social Studies 60 (1992) #1 (March).
In "De la mesure de l'utilité des travaux publics" (1844), Jules Dupuit applied a conception of marginal utility to the problem of determining bridge tolls.Dupuit, Jules; "De la mesure de l'utilité des travaux publics", Annales des ponts et chaussées, Second series, 8 (1844).
In 1854, Hermann Heinrich Gossen published Die Entwicklung der Gesetze des menschlichen Verkehrs und der daraus fließenden Regeln für menschliches Handeln, which presented a marginal utility theory and to a very large extent worked-out its implications for the behavior of a market economy. However, Gossen's work was not well received in the Germany of his time, most copies were destroyed unsold, and he was virtually forgotten until rediscovered after the so-called Marginal Revolution.
There were significant, distinguishing features amongst the approaches of Jevons, Menger, and Walras, but the second generation did not maintain distinctions along national or linguistic lines. The work of von Wieser was heavily influenced by that of Walras. Wicksteed was heavily influenced by Menger. Fetter referred to himself and Davenport as part of "the American Psychological School", named in imitation of the Austrian School. Clark's work from this period onward similarly shows heavy influence by Menger. William Smart began as a conveyor of Austrian School theory to English-language readers, though he fell increasingly under the influence of Marshall.Salerno, Joseph T. 1999; "The Place of Mises's Human Action in the Development of Modern Economic Thought". Quarterly Journal of Economic Thought v. 2 (1).
Böhm-Bawerk was perhaps the most able expositor of Menger's conception.Böhm-Bawerk, Eugen Ritter von. "Grundzüge der Theorie des wirtschaftlichen Güterwerthes", Jahrbüche für Nationalökonomie und Statistik v 13 (1886). Translated as Basic Principles of Economic Value. He was further noted for producing a theory of interest and of profit in equilibrium based upon the interaction of diminishing marginal utility with diminishing of time and with time preference. (This theory was adopted in full and then further developed by Knut WicksellWicksell, Johan Gustaf Knut; Über Wert, Kapital unde Rente (1893). Translated as Value, Capital and Rent. and with modifications including formal disregard for time-preference by Wicksell's American rival Irving Fisher.Fisher, Irving; Theory of Interest (1930).)
Marshall was the second-generation marginalist whose work on marginal utility came most to inform the mainstream of neoclassical economics, especially by way of his Principles of Economics, the first volume of which was published in 1890. Marshall constructed the demand curve with the aid of assumptions that utility was quantified, and that the marginal utility of money was constant, or nearly so. Like Jevons, Marshall did not see an explanation for supply in the theory of marginal utility, so he paired a marginal explanation of demand with a more classical explanation of supply, wherein costs were taken to be objectively determined. Marshall later actively mischaracterized the criticism that these costs were themselves ultimately determined by marginal utilities.
Aside from the rise of Marxism, E. Screpanti and Stefano Zamagni point to a different 'external' reason for marginalism's success, which is its successful response to the Long Depression and the resurgence of class conflict in all developed capitalist economies after the 1848–1870 period of social peace. Marginalism, Screpanti and Zamagni argue, offered a theory of the free market as perfect, as performing optimal allocation of resources, while it allowed economists to blame any adverse effects of laissez-faire economics on the interference of workers' coalitions in the proper functioning of the market.
Scholars have suggested that the success of the generation who followed the preceptors of the Revolution was their ability to formulate straightforward responses to Marxist economic theory. The most famous of these was that of Böhm-Bawerk, "Zum Abschluss des Marxschen Systems" (1896), but the first was Wicksteed's "The Marxian Theory of Value. Das Kapital: A Criticism" (1884, followed by "The Jevonian Criticism of Marx: A Rejoinder" in 1885). The most famous early Marxist responses were Rudolf Hilferding's Böhm-Bawerks Marx-Kritik (1904) and The Economic Theory of the Leisure Class (1914) by Nikolai Bukharin.
In 1915, Eugen Slutsky derived a theory of consumer choice solely from properties of indifference curves.Eugen Slutsky; "Sulla teoria del bilancio del consumatore", Giornale degli Economisti 51 (1915). Because of the World War, the Bolshevik Revolution, and his own subsequent loss of interest, Slutsky's work drew almost no notice, but similar work in 1934 by John Hicks and R. G. D. AllenHicks, John Richard, and Roy George Douglas Allen; "A Reconsideration of the Theory of Value", Economica 54 (1934). derived much the same results and found a significant audience. Allen subsequently drew attention to Slutsky's earlier accomplishment.
Although some of the third generation of Austrian School economists had by 1911 rejected the quantification of utility while continuing to think in terms of marginal utility,von Mises, Ludwig Heinrich; Theorie des Geldes und der Umlaufsmittel (1912). most economists presumed that utility must be a sort of quantity. Indifference curve analysis seemed to represent a way of dispensing with presumptions of quantification, albeit that a seemingly arbitrary assumption (admitted by Hicks to be a "rabbit out of a hat")Hicks, Sir John Richard; Value and Capital, Chapter I. "Utility and Preference" §8, p. 23 in the 2nd edition. about decreasing marginal rates of substitutionHicks, Sir John Richard; Value and Capital, Chapter I. "Utility and Preference" §7–8. would then have to be introduced to have convexity of indifference curves.
For those who accepted that marginal utility analysis had been superseded by indifference curve analysis, the former became at best somewhat analogous to the Bohr model—perhaps pedagogically useful, but "old fashioned" and ultimately incorrect.Samuelson, Paul Anthony; "Complementarity: An Essay on the 40th Anniversary of the Hicks-Allen Revolution in Demand Theory", Journal of Economic Literature vol 12 (1974).
The expected utility hypothesis of Bernoulli et alii was revived by various 20th century thinkers, including Frank Ramsey (1926),Ramsey, Frank Plumpton; "Truth and Probability" ( PDF ), Chapter VII in The Foundations of Mathematics and other Logical Essays (1931). John von Neumann and Oskar Morgenstern (1944),von Neumann, John and Oskar Morgenstern; Theory of Games and Economic Behavior (1944). and Leonard Savage (1954).Savage, Leonard Jimmie; Foundations of Statistics (1954). Although this hypothesis remains controversial, it brings not merely utility but a quantified conception thereof back into the mainstream of economic thought, and would dispatch the Ockhamistic argument. It should perhaps be noted that in expected utility analysis the law of diminishing marginal utility corresponds to what is called risk aversion.
In his early response to marginalism, Nikolai Bukharin argued that "the subjective evaluation from which price is to be derived really starts from this price",Nikolai Bukharin (1914) The Economic Theory of the Leisure Class, Chapter 3, Section 2. [15]. concluding:
Similarly a later Marxist critic, Ernest Mandel, argued that marginalism was "divorced from reality", ignored the role of production, further arguing:
Maurice Dobb argued that prices derived through marginalism depend on the distribution of income. The ability of consumers to express their preferences is dependent on their spending power. As the theory asserts that prices arise in the act of exchange, Dobb argues that it cannot explain how the distribution of income affects prices and consequently cannot explain prices.Dobb, Maurice; Theories of value and Distribution (1973).
Dobb also criticized the motives behind marginal utility theory. Jevons wrote, for example, "so far as is consistent with the inequality of wealth in every community, all commodities are distributed by exchange so as to produce the maximum social benefit." (See Fundamental theorems of welfare economics.) Dobb contended that this statement indicated that marginalism is intended to insulate market economics from criticism by making prices the natural result of the given income distribution.
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