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The kushti () also known as kosti, kusti and kustig is the sacred girdle worn by invested Zoroastrianism around their waists. Along with the sedreh, the kushti is part of the ritual dress of the Zoroastrians.
The use of the kushti may have existed among the prophet Zarathushtra's earliest followers due to their prior familiarity with practices of the proto-Indo-Iranian-speaking peoples, and its Vedas analogue, the Upanayana. Zoroastrian scripture and texts make various references to the usage of the Kusti. The Avestan Yasna (10.21) claims that a holy sage by the name of Haoma Frmi introduced it. Contrarily, the Dādestān ī dēnīg (39.18–19) claims that it was first used by the legendary Pishdadian ruler Jamshid, centuries before Zarathustra was born. Later, Ferdowsi al-Tusi would repeat this story in the Shahnameh. Other myths claim that Zarathushtra himself recommended the practise to those who listened to his sermons ( Rehbar-e Din-e Jarthushti 5).
The kushti, was often considered to be a marker of Zoroastrian identity both in India and Iran, as this passage from the Revayats shows. In these writings, the terms Iranian and Zoroastrian are synonymous, and Zoroastrian writers did not recognise their non-Zoroastrian fellow countrymen as Iranians until the 20th century.
Navsari, a former stronghold of Zoroastrianism became very well known for supplying kushtis to other Zoroastrians in India as well as across the diaspora. Zoroastrian students at the Tata Girls’ School at Navsari are still instructed how to weave kushtis. Traditionally Parsi women would be taught the unique skill from their elders, Najamai M. Kotwal, the mother of High Priest (Vada Dastur) Firoze M. Kotwal notably taught Parsi women for almost thirty years.
When the kusti is about 30 cm long during the weaving process, it is taken off the loom and presented to the priest to be blessed and cut. The kusti is given back to the weavers once the ceremony is over so they can finish knitting the remaining portion.
In keeping with Zoroastrian philosophy exalting happiness, the process of weaving the kushti is a joyous activity during which the women sing songs, laugh and share stories, both religious and secular.
Owing to its religious significance, the kushti must be worn every day of a Zoroastrian's life. The kushti must be ritually released and retied with specific prayers following the pādyāb purificatory ablution. This ceremony, known as the pādyāb-kusti, entails "making new the holy cord" (Pers. košti nav kardan) or "tying the holy cord" (Guj. kustī bastan).
The devotee should look to the east from dawn to midday and west until sunset, (toward the sun) whilst untying and tying the kushti. They can face an oil lamp, a fire, the moon, or stars at nighttime. When there is no source of light, they may face south, as it is believed to be the direction of Ahura Mazda's celestial home. Three sections make up the prayers that are recited during the ritual.
The Nīrang ī pādyāb, or "rite for ceremonial ablutions," is the name of the first section. Kə̄m nā Mazdā prayer (which has its origins in Y. 46.7, Y. 44.16, Vd. 8.21, that is recited before untying the knots. The second section is known as the Nīrang ī kustīg bastan/abzūdan, or "rite for tying the holy cord," and it is recited as the kushti is retied. Ohrmazd Xwadāy opening Pazand prayer (up to pa patit hōm) is a synopsis of the Kə̄m nā Mazdā prayer that came before it. A brief Avestan stanza that praises Ahura Mazda and scorns Ahriman concludes this prayer, followed by a line taken from Y. 50.11. This section is completed by reciting one Ašǝm vohū prayer, two Yaθā ahū vairiiō ( Ahuna vairiia, Ahunwar), and an additional Ašǝm vohū. The third section, which starts with the declaration Jasa mē avaŋhe Mazdā, is the Zoroastrian confession of faith (MPers. āstawānīh ī dēn); it also is titled stāyišn dēnīh “the praise of religion” in Pahlavi. The first line of this prayer is taken from the Yt. 1.27 and the remaining portion from Y. 12.8-9. It is concluded with the repetition of one Ašǝm vohū.
The padyab-kusht ceremony is required to restore the ritual effectiveness of the kusht before engaging in other religious activities like visiting a fire temple, as well as following sexual activity, urinating, and defecating. At the start of the other watches or divisions (MPers. and Pers. gh) of the day, it is released and retied each morning. Most Parsis, especially those who reside in Western nations, continue to wear the kusht on a regular basis; Iranian Zoroastrians frequently wear it just during religious ceremonies to avoid being picked out for abuse by Muslims.
The kushti (zonnar) is mentioned by Omar Khayyam, thought to have been the son of a Zoroastrian convert.
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