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Klassekampen (Lit. translation: "The Class Struggle") is a Norwegian daily newspaper in print and online. Its tagline is "The daily newspaper of the Left". The paper's net circulation was 33,265 in 2022, and it has around 111,000 daily readers on paper (160,000 on Saturdays). Statistics from Medienorge, run by the University of Bergen. This makes it the third largest Norwegian print newspaper, based on readership. "Mediehusenes lesertall", web site of Mediebedriftenes Landsforening, dated 15 September 2021; accessed 15 May 2022. Chief editor from 2018 is Mari Skurdal.
It started out in early 1969 as a monthly periodical published by a group of Oslo-based Marxist-Leninists, with Pål Steigan as a key founder and Anders M. Andersen as the first editor. Part of the alternative media landscape of the era, it promoted the positions of the Workers' Communist Party (AKP; founded 1973) and its predecessors.Information in Klassekampen no. 1, 1969, page 3. Klassekampen became a weekly in January 1973, a bi-weekly in January 1976 and finally a daily newspaper in April 1977. It was the official organ of the AKP until April 1991."Skal bli venstresidas dagsavis" (Becoming the daily of the left), Klassekampen 19 April 1991, page 9. Its mission statement now describes itself as "revolutionary socialist." As with most Norwegian newspapers, it relies on financial support from the Norwegian government.
Klassekampen has received a varied reception over time. It has been commended for its in-depth cultural coverage, labor-oriented reporting, and platforming of voices outside the mainstream media consensus. At the same time, it has faced criticism for promoting Russian propaganda narratives, transphobia, and, in the past, for antisemitism. Its editor has denied accusations of transphobia.
As a monthly, Klassekampen had no paid staff. The editorial work, the printing as well as sales were carried out by volunteers. The first printing press was financed mostly by young people taking summer jobs or being newspaper couriers (for other newspapers) before school hours. Due to the progress of the m-l-movement and its high level of activity, sales and circulation increased rapidly: the first issue in 1969 was printed in 3,500 copies. The circulation passed 10,000 in 1970, and 20,000 in 1971.Skjeseth, page 31. Labour Day was always an important sales day, and the May 1st issue of 1972 was published in 45,000.
During the period as a monthly newspaper, Klassekampen also published a number of extra issues on current issues and leaflet-like printed matter." Småtrykk fra Klassekampen", at the web site of the Workers' Communist Party archive project. Visited May 25, 2022. From 1972 the paper was officially linked to the Marxist–Leninist Groups (MLG), which was a forerunner of the Workers' Communist Party (AKP (m-l)). At the same time, fundraising and recruitment of subscribers was started with a plan of weekly publication.
As a weekly, Klassekampen got its own editorial offices in Oslo for the first time, as well as a paid editorial staff. Still, much of the volunteer spirit continued, with groups of party members and sympathizers contributing in special editorial fields. In 1974, a campaign was launched to link "workers' correspondents" to the newspaper. After two years as a weekly, it was summarized that a third of the newspaper was written by the permanent editorial staff, a third by the volunteer staff and a third by workers' correspondents and readers. The proportion of workplace reports doubled from 1973 to 1974."Medarbeiderbladet" (an internal magazine for the volunteer staff) August 28, 1974.
The winter of 1973 the weekly newspaper had a circulation of 13,000. The fall of 1974 it had increased to 19,000 and two years later 27,000. During the years 1973–1976 11,000 new subscribers were enrolled, and door-to-door sales were effectively organized.Skjeseth, page 43. From January 1976, Klassekampen was published twice a week, as an escalation before the transition to daily publications. In order to prepare for this transition, a major fundraising campaign was also carried out for investing in the paper's own rotary printing plant. The "rotation campaign" started little by little in 1974 and was not completed until just before the daily newspaper was launched. At that time, Norwegian krone 5,631,000 had been collected.Skjeseth, page 45–47.
In the pre-daily period, Klassekampen disclosed several classified military documents. In May 1971, it was shown that a NATO exercise had exemplified revolutionary groups, Vietnam War activists and as enemies of the state. During an exercise in 1973, the paper disclosed that opponents of NATO membership and student groups had been "assigned" this role.Skjeseth, pages 82–84. In 1976, the paper carried a series of articles by Jon Michelet about the Soviet presence at Svalbard, suggesting that Soviet Union might be constructing a military base at Cape Heer, thus violating the Svalbard Treaty. These reports were later developed into Michelet's novel Orion's Belt and a movie with the same name.Skjeseth, page 86.
The operation of the daily newspaper was more resource-intensive than anticipated, not least financially. Income from advertising was scarce. In addition, AKP (m-l) had adopted a policy of "self-support" and therefore did not accept the state support that Klassekampen was entitled to.Skjeseth, page 62–63. The newspaper was to be built entirely on the support of the readers. This policy hit the wall in 1978, and bankruptcy was just around the corner. A new fundraiser avoided immediate collapse, but the party had to accept state aid. In November 1979, Klassekampen could announce that "the daily is saved!"Skjeseth, page 60–62. This of course had a cost: The paper was cut from 16 to 12 pages most days, and the staff was reduced heavily. District offices in Bergen, Trondheim and Tromsø had to close, and special editions in Sàmi, English and Spanish were stopped, as were publications aimed specially at Foreign worker and at farmers/fishermen.Skjeseth, page 71–72.
The party had also decided that the paper should build up its own courier service. Unpaid volunteers delivered the newspaper to the subscribers in major cities every evening or night. This was partly for economic reasons, partly as a security measure – AKP did not want to hand over the list of subscribers to someone else.Skjeseth, page 55–56. (The parliamentary "Lund Report" concerning the Norwegian secret services later confirmed that subscribing to Klassekampen could be a reason for registration.) "The Lund Report" (Report to Stortinget from the commission appointed to investigate allegations on illegal surveillance of Norwegian citizens) (1995–1996), chapter 8, page 258. The courier system meant great strain on the party organization that, literally, carried the newspaper. From late 1979 the system was discontinued in most of Norway, but in some parts of Oslo it was effective for a decade.Skjeseth, page 56.
In 1977, criminal charges were brought against then editor Finn Sjue for the paper's disclosures of secret NATO exercise telegrams. Two years later he was sentenced to ten days in prison or a fine of NOK 2,500. The sentence was later confirmed by the Supreme Court with a 3–2 vote.Skjeseth, page 81–82.
During the 1980s, Klassekampen managed to get national acclaim for its journalism in certain focus areas. Journalist Per Bangsund specialized in the growth of right wing extremism and Neo-Nazism in Norway and had contacts regarding this within the secret services. A group for investigative journalism (with among others Alf R. Jacobsen) was established, possibly the first in Norway. A focus area for this group was among business people and top politicians. Finn Sjue, now as a journalist, dug into illegal or semi-illegal surveillance practices by the secret services towards organizations, politicians and activists on the left. Furthermore, the paper had broad international coverage, partly through AKP's party contacts, but through the years also through extensive travel activities by its own staff. The Middle East, Horn of Africa, Eastern Europe, Central America and Northern Ireland was prioritized. In 1983, journalist Kjell Gjerseth received the Narvesen Prize, at that time the highest ranked journalism award in Norway, for his reports from Afghanistan in the early years of the Soviet occupation.Skjeseth, pages 86–92.
Lund Report in 1996 stated that the telephones in Klassekampen offices had been tapped by the Secret Services from 1976 until 1979. Furthermore, the names of employees, contributors, subscribers and street vendors had been registered.Skjeseth, pages 111–114.
In 1979, Sigurd Allern was hired as editor for a new period. He held this position until 1995 and was vital in the editorial development of the daily. Also being a member of the AKP central committee, he managed pragmatically to professionalize the paper without creating too much discontent in the party. The editorial directive was in effect discontinued.Skjeseth, pages 138–142. Still, there were some conflict points between the party and the staff. In 1984–1985 this culminated, when a group of journalists organized a strike protesting on the paper's employment policy. The strike lasted only a couple of hours, but led to a long-lasting internal conflict in the paper and the party.Skjeseth, pages 148–153. At the same time, the Norwegian Graphical Union decided to exclude all members at Duplotrykk, Klassekampen print shop, on the grounds that they had accepted hours and pay grade outside of the tariff regulations.Skjeseth, page 155.
Helped by state support, frequent fundraising campaigns and an increasing circulation, the 1980s had passed without any financial catastrophes, but the economy was still tight. A system with regular contributions from the readers had been started in 1983 ( Else Berg memorial fund). In late 1991 this was formalized into the support organization Friends of Klassekampen, that was given the remaining 20 percent of the shares and a seat in the company board.Skjeseth, page 142."Skal bli venstresidas dagsavis", Klassekampen April 19, 1991. Together with a big fundraiser this provided means for a renewal in design and editorial focus. The circulation increased to more than 10,000 in 1992, but then Klassekampen lost momentum. It did not manage to use the 1994 referendum on EU membership, where the paper was among with a clear stand against, for increased growth.Skjeseth, pages 171–172. In early 1995, Duplotrykk – the paper's own printing company – went bankrupt. After this, Klassekampen has been printed by commercial suppliers.Skjeseth, page 173.
Internal conflicts in the staff were frequent. Editor Sigurd Allern had a rather authoritarian style of leadership, that did not suit the liberated situation and hindered the creative capabilities of the staff.Skjeseth, page 174, citing then journalist Bo Brekke. An expansion of the Saturday edition in 1994 was forced through by Allern against the will of the journalists, the marketing department, the CFO and a minority of the board. He (supported by the majority of the board) also pursued a strategy of a still broader ownership and had talks with Kristen Nygaard, that had led the No to EU movement and with the Socialist Left Party (SV) and their then weekly, Ny Tid.Skjeseth, pages 176–177.
Bjerke soon had to accept reductions in staff and number of pages. His proposed strategy was to meet the problems with expansion. This line was supported by Aksel Nærstad, who from late 1994 had been leading the company board. Nærstad argued that it would be possible to reach a circulation of 15,000 within few years, and that a capital increase of ten million NOK could be obtained provided AKP reduced its ownership.Nærstad cied in Skjeseth, page 183. AKP considered these to be numbers without links to reality and instead suggested a discussion on what could be done to fulfill the paper's purpose and strengthen Klassekampen as a "revolutionary, radical, indignant on behalf of the poor, critical to the system and foresighted" newspaper.Jorun Gulbrandsen cited by Skjeseth, page 184. Gulbrandsen at this time was vice chair of AKP and member of the Klassekampen board. The national convention of AKP in May 1997 was positive to reducing the party's ownership, but also stated that changing the name or the purpose clause was unacceptable.Skjeseth, page 192.
Criticism of the paper did not only arise from the AKP leadership and cadre. In 1996, an internet forum named KK-forum was established by outsiders as an attempt on participatory democracy, but this was not welcomed by the paper and its staff, who mostly refused to participate in open polemics. Around the same time there was a notable change in Klassekampen culture pages with more high-brow intellectual essays that seemed uninteresting and unavailable for the common reader. This led to heavy discussions.Skjeseth, pages 184–186. Early 1997 Nærstad and Bjerke chose – against AKP's will – to go public with their suggested strategy. This led to Nærstad being sacked as leader of the board, and also to discussions about Bjerke's position.Skjeseth, pages 185–190. During the spring and summer several initiatives were taken to solve the situation, but there was an increasing lack of confidence between the groups.Skjeseth, pages 190–194.
In September 1997, parliamentary elections were due. For four years RV had had its first representative, Erling Folkvord, but polls indicated that he was in danger of losing his seat. Klassekampen had always been supporting RV at elections, but now party members felt the help to be somewhat lacking. A few days before the elections the conflict around the newspaper became public as other media claimed that AKP would fire Bjerke. AKP denied that this was the plan. On election day, 15 September, Klassekampen front page had a picture of Kristin Halvorsen of SV, and Folkvord lost his seat with a margin of 600 votes. The next day AKP formally declared non-confidence to Bjerke.Skjeseth, pages 194–197. Most of the editorial staff gathered around their editor, started a byline strike and published comments confronting the papers main owner.Skjeseth, page 197.
Still, it was necessary to improve the paper's economy. In 1998, AKP launched a campaign to sell new shares. If successful, this would give Klassekampen 5.5 million NOK while simultaneously reducing the party's ownership to just below 50 percent. The result was 5.9 million. At the same time, circulation dropped dramatically, leading to several years with operating Deficit spending.Skjeseth, pages 210–211.
MIchelet had a personal style that helped reducing old conflict and build confidence. On the other hand, his impulsivity could create internal problems, causing the board and the CFO to alarm AKP, still the largest owner. Strengthening of the paper's editorial leadership was necessary. In October 2000, Bjørgulv Braanen was hired as assistant editor ( redaksjonssjef). Braanen had been in Klassekampen before, as head of layout in the late 1980s, but had spent ten years in different positions in Dagens Næringsliv, a liberal business paper. The return to Klassekampen for him meant a 50 percent reduction in salary, but he said it was a project he could stand for – on the condition that AKP would reduce its ownership and that the paper would develop further into an arena for the broad left.Skjeseth, pages 270–271.
In 2002, Klassekampen published around 10 essays by and two interviews with Israel Shamir, who was criticized for arguing in favour of alliances with the far right,. After a debate between Shamir and Håkon Kolmannskog (then editor of the correspondence pages), the cooperation was ended.Articles in Klassekampen December 20, 2002 and January 6, 13 and 21, 2003.
Braanen followed this line, and Klassekampen managed to increase its circulation year by year. This naturally helped the paper's financial situation and made improvements possible. One of these was an increased coverage of culture. In September 2006 Bokmagasinet (The Book Magazine) was launched as an enclosure every Saturday, inspired by Guardian Review and the Danish Weekendavisen, and aiming to become "Norway's most important literature paper".Bendik Wold (editor of Bokmagasinet): "Krafttak for kritikken", Klassekampen 23 September 2006. In 2012 a similar music was approached in the same way when the weekly Musikkmagasinet started on Mondays."Midt i musikken", Klassekampen 14 January 2012 Theatre and the arts also have regular pages. For some time, the separate magazine Cinema was distributed along with Klassekampen six times per year."Mer film i avisa", Klassekampen 8 February 2012.
In 2004, former editor Paul Bjerke returned to the paper with a regular weekly column that ran for thirteen years."Siste Pauli ord er sagt etter 13 år i avisa", Klassekampen 28 January 2017.
Another step against the mainstream media flow, was to improve the paper's coverage of "all Norway" through regional offices – in Trondheim (2012), Tromsø (2017) and Bergen (2017)."Kjerringa mot strømmen", Klassekampen 18 January 2012; "Blir Klassekampen journalist i Tromsø", Klassekampen 25 January 2017; "Åpner kontor i Bergen", Klassekampen 5 October 2017.
In 2006 Braanen received the Fritt Ord Award for his efforts – together with the staff – to develop Klassekampen into a broad and including daily "with exceptional contributions in the field of serious political journalism". In 2009 he was named Editor of the Year by the Editors' Association of Oslo.Skjeseth, pages 267–268.
AKP's majority ownership was still a topic of discussion. In 2006 two left-wing publishing houses, Oktober Forlag and Pax Forlag, proposed to invest NOK 3 million in the paper. This was turned down by AKP, creating fear that the party was going back on its plan to reduce its share. But it turned out that the party's plan was even more ambitious, and in 2007 it was announced that also Fagforbundet, Norway's largest trade union, would throw in 3 million.Skjeseth, pages 263–264. A spokeswoman for the union stated that "Klassekampen plays an important role in areas important for the union: defending the welfare state, a critical attitude to neoliberalism and wide coverage of the environmental crisis".Tone Zander cited by Skjeseth, page 263–264. Later on more trade unions have bought shares in Klassekampen. Fellesforbundet first acquired shares for NOK 100,000 in 2011 (as did Landsorganisasjonen), and then in 2015 threw in 5 million NOK to become a 5 percent owner."Bakke blir eier i Klassekampen", Klassekampen 22 December 2011. "Enda et LO-forbund blir Klassekamp-eier. Fellesforbundet kjøper 5 prosent av avisa", Medier 24 15. December 2015 In 2007, AKP and RV merged into the Red Party, which took over AKP shares.Skjeseth, page 265.
In 2022 Skurdal was named Editor of the year by the Editors' Association of Oslo.
KK-forum was established by Trond Andresen in 1996. Andresen has since been a keen advocate of the newspaper's use of the Internet, both as moderator of its various semi-official or official early Internet platforms, as a columnist in the printed newspaper and at the shareholders' meetings. KK-forum played a major role in the ousting of then-editor Paul Bjerke in 1997, when the paper's owners, AKP, appointed Jon Michelet as the new editor. As editor of Klassekampen Michelet initiated a formal cooperation with Trond Andresen and KK-forum, that became the semi-official Internet forum of Klassekampen from 1997; it was linked from the newspaper's Internet frontpage. Andresen was also a regular columnist in the printed newspaper from 2000 to 2016.
In 2008 Klassekampen launched its official online forum, also moderated by Trond Andresen, following a decision at the shareholders' meeting spearheaded by Andresen.
In 2009 Trond Andresen established the Facebook group "Vi som bryr oss om avisa Klassekampen" Those, where the paper's editorial practices are discussed. After some years Klassekampen distanced itself from the group, and in an editorial the newspaper claimed that the forum "has for years been the scene of backbiting of the newspaper's journalism and staff."
On Saturdays, the newspaper features a separate book magazine. Editors of this section have been Bendik Wold (2006–2008) and Karin Haugen (2008–present). Among the regular contributors are (per 2022): Jonas Bals, Ellen Engelstad, Tore Linné Eriksen, Elin Kittelsen, Mimir Kristjansson, Sandra Lillebø, Espen Stueland and Janneken Øverland. A special column on Nordic literature features essays by Gerður Kristný (Iceland), Peter Fröberg Idling and Magnus Nilsson (Sweden), Kristina Stoltz and Peter Nielsen (Denmark), and Sirpa Kähkönen and Pia Ingström (Finland).The lists of contributors are based on listings in the paper in April 2022.
A music magazine is included on Mondays. Editor is Erik Blegeberg. It features interviews, essays and reviews of a broad spectrum of music genres. Contributors include Egil Baumann, Mariann Bjørnelv, Charlotte Myrbråten and Tom Skjeklesæter.
In general, the paper presents a variety of opinions. It features several columns with regular external contributors (per 2022): "Feminist of course" (Wencke Mühleisen, Asta Beate Håland, Stephen Walton, Anne Bitsch), "Kringla heimsins" (Hans Jacob Orning, Gro Steinsland, Frans-Arne Stylegar, Christine Amadou, Thomas Reinertsen Berg, Gunnhild Røthe), "Homo Politicus" (Ottar Brox, Arne Johan Vetlesen, Bente Aasjord, Linn Herning, Magnus Marsdal), "A Nordic Dawn" (trade union activists from the Nordic countries), "Horizon" (Bhaskar Sunkara, Kajsa Ekis Ekman, Thomas Fazi, Francesca Borri, William Shoki, Grace Blakeley, Vijay Prashad), "Heads and Tails" (Morten Jerven, Erik S. Reinert, Maria Walberg, Rune Skarstein, Chr. Anton Smedshaug, Ole Kvadsheim), "In good faith" (Lars Gule, Rania Jalal Al-Nahi, Gyrid Gunnes, Eivor Andersen Oftestad, Mina Bai), "Naturally" (Stefan Sundström, Anna Blix, Kathrine Kinn, Frans-Jan Parmentier, Lene Liebe Delsett), "Signed" (Jonas Bals, Sandra Lillebø, Olav Elgvin, Olaug Nilssen, Minda Holm, Åsa Linderborg).
Other regular contributors are Solveig Aareskjold, Idar Helle, Dag Seierstad, Morten Harper, Arild Linneberg, Torgrim Eggen, Arild Rønsen, and Sylfest Lomheim. Bjørn Vassnes has a weekly column on advances in science. Comedian Knut Nærum contributes as a cartoonist on Saturdays. Jens Styve's one-liner Dunce runs daily. Reviews of theater, film and art exhibition are regular.
The Norwegian edition of the monthly Le Monde diplomatique is enclosed in a full subscription of Klassekampen.
In addition to state support and income from subscriptions, single sales and advertisements, Klassekampen has always been based on voluntary financial and practical support. The first printing press was financed by enthusiastic young people taking summer jobs or newspaper couriers (for established newspapers) before school hours.Skjeseth, pages 17–18. All work (editing, printing, sales) was done on a voluntary basis in the first years. The first paid employees started when the paper turned into a weekly publication in 1973.Skjeseth, page 36. In 1974 the party launched a campaign to finance a rotary press. The following 2.5 years the campaign raised more than NOK 5.6 million.Skjeseth, pages 45–47.
Klassekampen's current owners include Norway's Red Party, the association Klassekampens venner ("Friends of Klassekampen"), several and smaller shareholders.
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