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The term " new world order" has been used to refer to any new period of history evidencing a dramatic change in world political thought and the balance of power. Despite various interpretations of this term, it is primarily associated with the ideological notion of global governance only in the sense of new collective efforts to identify, understand, or address worldwide problems that go beyond the capacity of individual to solve.

The phrase "new world order" or similar language was used in the period toward the end of the First World War in relation to 's vision for international peace;A search of the American Presidency Project for the exact phrase "new world order" returned no hits for President Woodrow Wilson, but it is the case that Wilson used the phrase "new order of the world" in a speech given September 9, 1919 to the University of Minnesota Armory in Minneapolis, and that he also used the phrase "new international order" in a speech given February 11, 1918 to Congress shortly after the on January 8, 1918. Wilson also used the phrase, "new order" in several speeches when speaking about his aspirations and vision for the future. It is also the case that diplomat William C. Bullitt did use the exact phrase "new world order" in correspondence dated February 3, 1918 and kept within the Woodrow Wilson Papers by the Library of Congress. One could also search for "new world order" within The Papers of Woodrow Wilson Digital Edition from the Rotunda service of the University of Virginia Press to see a number of other uses of the phrase by various people around the end of the First World War. Note that content within The Papers of Woodrow Wilson Digital Edition is generally available after registration only on a trial basis, but that institutional users can get further access. Wilson called for a League of Nations to prevent aggression and conflict. The phrase was used sparingly at the end of World War II when describing the plans for the and the Bretton Woods system partly because of its negative associations with the failed League of Nations. However, many commentators have applied the term retroactively to the order put in place by the World War II victors as a "new world order."

The most widely discussed application of the phrase of recent times came at the end of the . Presidents Mikhail Gorbachev and George H. W. Bush used the term to try to define the nature of the post-Cold War era and the spirit of cooperation that they hoped might materialize. Gorbachev's initial formulation was wide-ranging and idealistic, but his ability to press for it was severely limited by the internal crisis of the Soviet system. In comparison, Bush's vision was not less circumscribed: "A hundred generations have searched for this elusive path to peace, while a thousand wars raged across the span of human endeavor. Today that new world is struggling to be born, a world quite different from the one we've known". However, given the new status of the United States, Bush's vision was realistic in saying that "there is no substitute for American leadership". The of 1991 was regarded as the first test of the new world order: "Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. ... The Gulf war put this new world to its first test".Lawrence Freedman, 'The Gulf War and the New World Order,' Survival, 33/3, (1991): p 195-196.

Historical usage
The phrase "new world order" was explicitly used in connection with 's global zeitgeist during the period just after World War I during the formation of the League of Nations. "The war to end all wars" had been a powerful catalyst in international politics, and many felt the world could simply no longer operate as it once had. World War I had been justified not only in terms of U.S. national interest, but in moral terms—to "make the world safe for democracy". After the war, Wilson argued for a new world order which transcended traditional great power politics, instead emphasizing collective security, democracy and self-determination. However, the United States Senate rejected membership of the League of Nations, which Wilson believed to be the key to a new world order. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge argued that American policy should be based on human nature "as it is, not as it ought to be"."The bloodhounds of history." . April 10, 1998. activist and future German leader /ref>

The term fell from use when it became clear the League was not living up to expectations and as a consequence was used very little during the formation of the United Nations. Former United Nations Secretary General felt that this new world order was a projection of the into Europe and that in its naïveté the idea of a new order had been used to further the parochial interests of Lloyd George and Georges Clemenceau, thus ensuring the League's eventual failure.Kurt Waldheim. "The United Nations: The Tarnished Image." (1984, Fall) Although some have claimed the phrase was not used at all, Virginia Gildersleeve, the sole female delegate to the San Francisco Conference in April 1945, did use it in an interview with The New York Times.

The phrase was used by some in retrospect when assessing the creation of the post-World War II set of international institutions, including the ; the U.S. security alliances such as ; the Bretton Woods system of the International Monetary Fund and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development; and even the and were seen as characterizing or comprising this new order.

H. G. Wells wrote a book published in 1940 entitled The New World Order. It addressed the ideal of a world without war in which law and order emanated from a body and examined various proposals and ideas.

Franklin D. Roosevelt in his "Armistice Day Address Before the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier" on November 11, 1940 referred to Novus ordo seclorum, inscribed on the Great Seal of the United States and traced to antiquity. By this phrase, announced the Augustan Golden Age. That Age was the dawn of the divine universal monarchy, but Roosevelt on that occasion promised to take the world order into the opposite democratic direction led by the United States and Britain.Frankline Delano Roosevelt, "Armistice Day Address Before the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier," (November 11, 1940),

On June 6, 1966, New York Senator Robert F. Kennedy used the phrase "new world society" in his Day of Affirmation Address in .

Post-Cold War "new world order"
The phrase "new world order" as used to herald in the post-Cold War era had no developed or substantive definition. There appear to have been three distinct periods in which it was progressively redefined, first by the Soviets and later by the United States before the Malta Conference and again after George H. W. Bush's speech of September 11, 1990.
  1. At first, the new world order dealt almost exclusively with nuclear disarmament and security arrangements. Mikhail Gorbachev would then expand the phrase to include strengthening and cooperation on a range of North–South economic, and security problems. Implications for , the , and European integration were subsequently included.
  2. The collected these various expectations and they were fleshed out in more detail by the press. German reunification, and the polarity of the international system were then included.
  3. The Gulf War crisis refocused the term on cooperation and regional crises. Economic North–South problems, the integration of the Soviets into the international system and the changes in economic and military polarity received greater attention.

Mikhail Gorbachev's formulation
The first press reference to the phrase came from Russo-Indian talks on November 21, 1988. Prime Minister used the term in reference to the commitments made by the through the Declaration of Delhi of two years previous. The new world order which he describes is characterized by " and the principles of peaceful coexistence". He also includes the possibility of a sustained peace, an alternative to the nuclear balance of terror, dismantling of systems, significant cuts in strategic arms and eventually a general and complete disarmament."Gorbachev and Indian Prime Minister Hold Talks on November 19 Speeches Made at Peace Prize." November 21, 1988

Three days later, a article quotes NATO Secretary General Manfred Wörner as saying that the Soviets have come close to accepting NATO's doctrine of military stability based on a mix of nuclear as well as conventional arms. In his opinion, this would spur the creation of "a new security framework" and a move towards "a new world order"."Soviets 'in arms strategy shift'", , November 24, 1988

However, the principal statement creating the new world order concept came from Mikhail Gorbachev's December 7, 1988 speech to the United Nations General Assembly. His formulation included an extensive list of ideas in creating a new order. He advocated strengthening the central role of the United Nations and the active involvement of all members—the Cold War had prevented the United Nations and its Security Council from performing their roles as initially envisioned. The de- of relations among states was the mechanism through which this new level of cooperation could be achieved. Concurrently, Gorbachev recognized only one world economy—essentially an end to . Furthermore, he advocated Soviet entry into several important international organizations, such as the CSCE and International Court of Justice. Reinvigoration of the United Nations peacekeeping role and recognition that superpower cooperation can and will lead to the resolution of regional conflicts was especially key in his conception of cooperation. He argued that the use of force or the threat of the use of force was no longer legitimate and that the strong must demonstrate restraint toward the weak. As the major powers of the world, he foresaw the United States, the Soviet Union, Europe, India, China, Japan and Brazil. He asked for cooperation on environmental protection, on for developing countries, on disarmament of nuclear weapons, on preservation of the and on a convention for the elimination of . At the same time, he promised the significant withdrawal of Soviet forces from Eastern Europe and Asia as well as an end to the jamming of .

Gorbachev described a phenomenon that could be described as a global political awakening:

In the press, Gorbachev was compared to giving the Fourteen Points, to Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill promulgating the and to and Harry S. Truman building the . While visionary, his speech was to be approached with caution as he was seen as attempting a fundamental redefinition of international relationships, on economic and environmental levels. His support "for independence, democracy and social justice" was highlighted, but the principle message taken from his speech was that of a new world order based on pluralism, tolerance and cooperation."Vision on the World Stage", , November 9, 1988

A month later, ran a longer analysis of the speech and its possible implications. The promises of a new world order based on the forswearing of military use of force was viewed partially as a threat, which might "lure the West toward complacency" and "woo Western Europe into neutered ". However, the more overriding threat was that the did not yet have any imaginative response to Gorbachev—leaving the Soviets with the moral initiative and solidifying Gorbachev's place as "the most popular world leader in much of ". The article noted as important his de-ideologized stance, willingness to give up use of force, commitment to troop cuts in Eastern Europe (accelerating political change there) and compliance with the ABM treaty. According to the article, the new world order seemed to imply shifting of resources from military to domestic needs; a world community of states based on the rule of law; a dwindling of security alliances like NATO and the Warsaw Pact; and an inevitable move toward European integration. The author of the Time article felt that George H. W. Bush should counter Gorbachev's "common home" rhetoric toward the Europeans with the idea of "common ideals", turning an alliance of necessity into one of shared values. Gorbachev's repudiation of leaves the United States in a good position, no longer having to support and able to pursue better goals such as the environment; of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons; reducing and poverty; and resolving regional conflicts."The Gorbachev Challenge", , December 19, 1988 In A World Transformed, Bush and 's similarly concern about losing leadership to Gorbachev is noted and they worry that the Europeans might stop following the U.S. if it appears to drag its feet.George H.W. Bush and Brent Scowcroft. A World Transformed, , pp. 42–43.

As Europe passed into the new year, the implications of the new world order for the European Community surfaced. The European Community was seen as the vehicle for integrating East and West in such a manner that they could "pool their resources and defend their specific interests in dealings with those superpowers on something more like equal terms". It would be less exclusively tied to the U.S. and stretch "from Brest to , or at least from to "."The Dog that Failed to Bark", , January 10, 1989 By July 1989, newspapers were still criticizing Bush for his lack of response to Gorbachev's proposals. Bush visited Europe, but "left undefined for those on both sides of the his vision for the new world order", leading commentators to view the U.S. as over-cautious and reactive, rather than pursuing long-range strategic goals."Still searching for the Bush Doctrine", , July 23, 1989

Malta Conference
In A World Transformed, Bush and Scowcroft detail their crafting of a strategy aimed at flooding Gorbachev with proposals at the to catch him off guard, preventing the U.S. from coming out of the summit on the defensive. A World Transformed, pp. 163–167.

The Malta Conference on December 2–3, 1989 reinvigorated discussion of the new world order. Various new concepts arose in the press as elements on the new order. Commentators expected the replacement of containment with superpower cooperation. This cooperation might then tackle problems such as reducing armaments and troop deployments, settling regional disputes, stimulating economic growth, lessening East–West trade restrictions, the inclusion of the Soviets in international economic institutions and protecting the environment. Pursuant to superpower cooperation, a new role for NATO was forecast, with the organization perhaps changing into a forum for negotiation and treaty verification, or even a wholesale dissolution of NATO and the Warsaw Pact following the resurrection of the four-power framework from World War II (i.e. the U.S., , and ). However, continued U.S. military presence in Europe was expected to help contain "historic antagonisms", thus making possible a new European order.Compiled from:

  • "U.S. must get involved in shaping a new world order", Boston Globe, December 3, 1989
  • "New World Order Galloping Into Position", Washington Post, February 25, 1990
  • "A Workmanlike Summit", New York Times, June 5, 1990

In Europe, German reunification was seen as part of the new order. However, saw it as more of a brake on the new era and believed Malta to be a holding action on part of the superpowers designed to forestall the "new world order" because of the German question."American Abroad; Braking the Juggernaut", Time Magazine, December 18, 1989 Political change in Eastern Europe also arose on the agenda. The Eastern Europeans believed that the new world order did not signify superpower leadership, but that superpower dominance was coming to an end."Soviet hopes are undaunted", Boston Globe, December 3, 1989

In general, the new security structure arising from superpower cooperation seemed to indicate to observers that the new world order would be based on the principles of political liberty, self-determination and non-intervention. This would mean an end to the sponsoring of military conflicts in third countries, restrictions on global arms sales, and greater engagement in the (especially regarding , Palestine and ). The U.S. might use this opportunity to more emphatically promote human rights in China and .

Economically, debt relief was expected to be a significant issue as East–West competition would give way to North–South cooperation. Economic tripolarity would arise with the U.S., and as the three motors of world growth. Meanwhile, the Soviet social and economic crisis was manifestly going to limit its ability to project power abroad, thus necessitating continued U.S. leadership.

Commentators assessing the results of the Conference and how the pronouncements measured up to expectations, were underwhelmed. Bush was criticized for taking refuge behind notions of "-plus" rather than a full commitment to new world order. Others noted that Bush thus far failed to satisfy the out-of-control "soaring expectations" that Gorbachev's speech unleashed.

Gulf War and Bush's formulation
Bush started to take the initiative from Gorbachev during the run-up to the Persian Gulf War, when he began to define the elements of the new world order as he saw it and link the new order's success to the international community's response in .

Initial agreement by the Soviets to allow action against highlighted this linkage in the press. The Washington Post declared that this superpower cooperation demonstrates that the Soviet Union has joined the international community and that in the new world order Saddam faces not just the U.S., but the international community itself."Summit Decision Signals Superpower Cooperation", Washington Post, September 2, 1990 A New York Times editorial was the first to assert that at stake in the collective response to Saddam was "nothing less than the new world order which Bush and other leaders struggle to shape"."The Month that Shook the World", New York Times, September 2, 1990

In A World Transformed, Scowcroft notes that Bush even offered to have Soviet troops amongst the coalition forces liberating Kuwait. Bush places the fate of the new world order on the ability of the U.S. and the Soviet Union to respond to Hussein's aggression. A World Transformed, pp. 361–364. The idea that the Persian Gulf War would usher in the new world order began to take shape. Bush notes that the "premise was that the United States henceforth would be obligated to lead the world community to an unprecedented degree, as demonstrated by the crisis, and that we should attempt to pursue our national interests, wherever possible, within a framework of concert with our friends and the international community". A World Transformed, pp. 399–400.

On March 6, 1991, President Bush addressed Congress in a speech often cited as the Bush administration's principal policy statement on the new world order in the Middle East following the expulsion of Iraqi forces from Kuwait., Power, Faith and Fantasy, p. 569, 2011, W W Norton & Son, summarizes the speech, saying: "The president proceeded to outline his plan for maintaining a permanent U.S. naval presence in the Persian Gulf, for providing funds for Middle East development, and for instituting safeguards against the spread of unconventional weapons. The centerpiece of his program, however, was the achievement of an Arab-Israeli treaty based on the territory-for-peace principle and the fulfillment of Palestinian rights". As a first step, Bush announced his intention to reconvene the international peace conference in Madrid.

A pivotal point came with Bush's September 11, 1990 "Toward a New World Order" speech () to a joint session of Congress. This time it was Bush, not Gorbachev, whose idealism was compared to and to Franklin D. Roosevelt at the creation of the United Nations. Key points picked up in the press were:

  • Commitment to U.S. strength, such that it can lead the world toward rule of law, rather than use of force. The Gulf crisis was seen as a reminder that the U.S. must continue to lead and that military strength does matter, but that the resulting new world order should make military force less important in the future.
  • Soviet–American partnership in cooperation toward making the world safe for democracy, making possible the goals of the United Nations for the first time since its inception. Some countered that this was unlikely and that ideological tensions would remain, such that the two superpowers could be partners of convenience for specific and limited goals only. The inability of the Soviet Union to project force abroad was another factor in skepticism toward such a partnership.
  • Another caveat raised was that the new world order was based not on U.S.-Soviet cooperation, but really on Bush-Gorbachev cooperation and that the personal diplomacy made the entire concept exceedingly fragile.
  • Future cleavages were to be economic, not ideological, with the First and Second World cooperating to contain regional instability in the . Russia could become an ally against economic assaults from Asia, Islamic terrorism and drugs from .
  • Soviet integration into world economic institutions such as the G7 and establishment of ties with the European Community.
  • Restoration of German and 's acceptance of the United Nations Security Council's peace plan on the day previous to the speech were seen as signs of what to expect in the new world order.
  • The reemergence of Germany and Japan as members of the great powers and concomitant reform of the United Nations Security Council was seen as necessary for great power cooperation and reinvigorated United Nations leadership
  • Europe was seen as taking the lead on building their own world order while the U.S. was relegated to the sidelines. The rationale for U.S. presence on the continent was vanishing and the Persian Gulf crisis was seen as incapable of rallying Europe. Instead, Europe was discussing the European Community, the CSCE and relations with the Soviet Union. Gorbachev even proposed an all-European security council to replace the CSCE, in effect superseding the increasingly irrelevant NATO.
  • A very few postulated a bi-polar new order of U.S. power and United Nations , the first as global policeman, the second as global judge and jury. The order would be collectivist in which decisions and responsibility would be shared.
These were the common themes that emerged from reporting about Bush's speech and its implications.Compiled from:
  • "Evoking the memory of Wilson and 'a new world order'", Boston Globe, September 12, 1990
  • "Superpowers to Superpartners", , September 17, 1990
  • "Steps to a new world order", Financial Times, September 17, 1990
  • "U.S. leads the new world order", , September 19, 1990
  • "Europe choreographs new world order, but Bush is out of step", Boston Globe, November 21

Critics held that Bush and Baker remained too vague about what exactly the order entailed:

The New York Times observed that the American left was calling the new world order a "rationalization for imperial ambitions" in the Middle East while the right rejected new security arrangements altogether and fulminated about any possibility of United Nations revival."George Bush Meet Woodrow Wilson", New York Times, November 20, 1990 predicted that the Persian Gulf War would in fact be the demise of the new world order, the concept of United Nations peacekeeping and the U.S.'s role as global policeman. A World Transformed, pp. 426.

The Los Angeles Times reported that the speech signified more than just the rhetoric about superpower cooperation. In fact, the deeper reality of the new world order was the U.S.' emergence "as the single greatest power in a multipolar world". Moscow was crippled by internal problems and thus unable to project power abroad. While hampered by economic malaise, the U.S. was militarily unconstrained for the first time since the end of World War II. Militarily, it was now a unipolar world as illustrated by the Persian Gulf crisis. While diplomatic rhetoric stressed a U.S.-Soviet partnership, the U.S. was deploying troops to (a mere 700 miles from the Soviet frontier) and was preparing for war against a former Soviet . Further, U.S. authority over the Soviets was displayed in 1) the unification of Germany, withdrawal of Soviet forces, and almost open appeal to Washington for aid in managing the Soviet transition to democracy; 2) withdrawal of Soviet support for Third World clients; and 3) Soviets seeking economic aid through membership in Western international economic and trade communities."With Moscow Crippled, U.S. Emerges as Top Power", , September 12, 1990

The speech was indeed pivotal but the meaning hidden. A pivotal interpretation of the speech came the same month a week later on September 18, 1990. Charles Krauthammer then delivered a lecture in Washington in which he introduced the idea of American . By the fall 1990, his essay was published in Foreign Affairs titled "The Unipolar Moment". Foreign Affairs, 69/5: (Winter 1990/91), p 23-33. It had few to do with Kuwait. The main point was the following:

In fact, as Lawrence Freedman commented in 1991, a "unipolar" world is now taken seriously. He details:

Washington's capacity to exert overwhelming military power and leadership over a multinational coalition provides the "basis for a ". Indeed, one of the problems with Bush's phrase was that "a call for 'order' from Washington chills practically everyone else, because it sounds suspiciously like a Pax Americana".Lawrence Freedman, 'The Gulf War and the New World Order,' Survival, 33/3, (1991): p 196-197. The unipolarity, Krauthammer noted, is the "most striking feature of the post-Cold War world". The article proved to be epochal. Twelve years later, Krauthammer in "The Unipolar Moment Revisited" National Interest, 70: (Winter 2002/3), p 5-20. stated that the "moment" is lasting and lasting with "acceleration". National Interest, 70: (Winter 2002/3), p 6. He replied to those who still refused to acknowledge the fact of unipolarity: "If today's American primacy does not constitute unipolarity, then nothing ever will". In 1990, Krauthammer had estimated that the "moment" will last forty years at best, but he adjusted the estimation in 2002: "Today, it seems rather modest. The unipolar moment has become the unipolar era". National Interest, 70: (Winter 2002/3), p 17. On the latter occasion, Krauthammer added perhaps his most significant comment—the new unipolar world order represents a "unique to modern history" structure. National Interest, 70: (Winter 2002/3), p 5.

Presaging the Iraq War of 2003
published an article explaining the drive toward the Persian Gulf War in terms presaging the run-up to the Iraq War of 2003. The author notes directly that despite the coalition, in the minds of most governments this is the U.S.' war and George W. Bush that "chose to stake his political life on defeating Mr Hussein". An attack on Iraq would certainly shatter Bush's alliance, they assert, predicting calls from United Nations Security Council members saying that diplomacy should have been given more time and that they will not wish to allow a course of action "that leaves America sitting too prettily as sole remaining superpower". When the unanimity of the Security Council ends, "all that lovely talk about the new world order" will too. When casualties mount, "Bush will be called a warmonger, an and a bully". The article goes on to say that Bush and 's speechifying cannot save the new world order once they launch a controversial war. It closes noting that a wide consensus is not necessary for U.S. action—only a hardcore of supporters, namely , Arab states of the Persian Gulf, and Britain. The rest need only not interfere."New World Order Inc", The Economist, November 10, 1990

In a passage with similar echoes of the future, Bush and Scowcroft explain in A World Transformed the role of the United Nations Secretary-General in attempting to avert the Persian Gulf War. Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar arrived at to ask what he could do to head off the war. Bush told him that it was important that we get full implementation on every United Nations resolution: "If we compromise, we weaken the UN and our own credibility in building this new world order," I said. "I think Saddam Hussein doesn't believe force will be used—or if it is, he can produce a stalemate". Additional meetings between Baker or Pérez and the Iraqis are rejected for fear that they will simply come back empty-handed once again. Bush feared that Javier will be cover for Hussein's manipulations. Pérez suggested another Security Council meeting, but Bush saw no reason for one. A World Transformed, pp. 440.

Following the Persian Gulf War
Following the Persian Gulf War which was seen as the crucible in which great power cooperation and collective security would emerge the new norms of the era—several academic assessments of the "new world order" idea were published.

John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War historian, wrote in about what he saw as the key characteristics of the potential new order, namely unchallenged American primacy, increasing integration, resurgent and religiosity, a diffusion of security threats and collective security. He casts the fundamental challenge as one of integration versus fragmentation and the concomitant benefits and dangers associated with each. Changes in communications, the international economic system, the nature of security threats and the rapid spread of new ideas would prevent nations from retreating into . In light of this, Gaddis sees a chance for the democratic peace predicted by liberal international relations theorists to come closer to reality. However, he illustrates that not only is the fragmentary pressure of nationalism manifest in the former Communist bloc countries and the , but it is also a considerable factor in the West. Further, a revitalized could play both integrating and fragmenting roles—emphasizing common identity, but also contributing to new conflicts that could resemble the Lebanese Civil War. The integration coming from the new order could also aggravate , and threats. National self-determination, leading to the breakup and reunification of states (such as Yugoslavia on one hand and Germany on the other) could signal abrupt shifts in the balance of power with a destabilizing effect. Integrated markets, especially energy markets, are now a security liability for the world economic system as events affecting in one part of the globe could threaten countries far removed from potential conflicts. Finally, diffusion of security threats required a new security paradigm involving low-intensity, but more frequent deployment of peacekeeping troops—a type of mission that is hard to sustain under budgetary or public opinion pressure. Gaddis called for aid to Eastern European countries, updated security and economic regimes for Europe, United Nations-based regional conflict resolution, a slower pace of international economic integration and paying off the U.S. .John Lewis Gaddis. "Toward the Post–Cold War World." Foreign Affairs 1991, Spring

However, statesman wrote of the new world order that it was only in the aftermath of the Persian Gulf War that the United Nations took a step toward redefining its role to take account of both interstate relations and intrastate events. Furthermore, he asserted that it was only as an unintended postscript to Desert Storm that Bush gave meaning to the "new world order" slogan. By the end of the year, Bush stopped talking about a new world order and his advisers explained that he had dropped the phrase because he felt it suggested more enthusiasm for the changes sweeping the planet than he actually felt. As an antidote to the uncertainties of the world, he wanted to stress the old verities of territorial integrity, national sovereignty and international stability.Strobe Talbott. "Post-Victory Blues." Foreign Affairs. December 1991 January 1992 suggested at the time that it was the recession of 1991–1992 which finally killed the new world order idea within the White House. The economic downturn took a deeper psychological toll than expected while domestic politics were increasingly frustrated by paralysis, with the result that the United States toward the end of 1991 turned increasingly pessimistic, inward and nationalistic.David Gergen. "America's Missed Opportunities." Foreign Affairs. December 1991 January 1992

In 1992, Hans Köchler published a critical assessment of the notion of the "new world order", describing it as an ideological tool of legitimation of the global exercise of power by the U.S. in a unipolar environment.Hans Köchler. Democracy and the New World Order. Studies in International Relations, XIX. Vienna: International Progress Organization, 1993. . (Translation of the German edition of 1992) In 's analysis (1992), the collapse of the Soviet Union did not issue in a new world order per se, but rather simply allowed for the reappearance of the liberal institutional order that was supposed to have come into effect in 1945. However, this success of this order was not a fait accomplis.Joseph S. Nye, Jr. "What New World Order." Foreign Affairs. 1992, Spring Three years later, would reaffirm Nye's idea of a reclamation of the ideal post-World War II order, but would dispute the nay-sayers who had predicted post-Cold War chaos.G. John Ikenberry. "The Myth of Post–Cold War Chaos." Foreign Affairs. May 1996 / June 1996 By 1997, Anne-Marie Slaughter produced an analysis calling the restoration of the post-World War II order a "chimera ... infeasible at best and dangerous at worst". In her view, the new order was not a liberal institutionalist one, but one in which state authority disaggregated and decentralized in the face of .Anne-Marie Slaughter. "The Real New World Order." Foreign Affairs. September 1997 / October 1997

Samuel Huntington wrote critically of the "new world order" and of 's End of History theory in The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order:

The expectation of harmony was widely shared. Political and intellectual leaders elaborated similar views. The Berlin wall had come down, communist regimes had collapsed, the United Nations was to assume a new importance, the former Cold War rivals would engage in "partnership" and a "grand bargain," peacekeeping and peacemaking would be the order of the day. The President of the world's leading country proclaimed the "new world order"...
The moment of euphoria at the end of the Cold War generated an illusion of harmony, which was soon revealed to be exactly that. The world became different in the early 1990s, but not necessarily more peaceful. Change was inevitable; progress was not... The illusion of harmony at the end of that Cold War was soon dissipated by the multiplication of ethnic conflicts and "," the breakdown of law and order, the emergence of new patterns of alliance and conflict among states, the resurgence of neo- and movements, intensification of religious , the end of the "diplomacy of smiles" and "policy of yes" in Russia's relations with the West, the inability of the United Nations and the United States to suppress bloody local conflicts, and the increasing assertiveness of a rising China. In the five years after the Berlin wall came down, the word "" was heard far more often than in any five years of the Cold War.
The one harmonious world paradigm is clearly far too divorced from reality to be a useful guide to the post–Cold War world. Two Worlds: Us and Them. While one-world expectations appear at the end of major conflicts, the tendency to think in terms of two worlds recurs throughout human history. People are always tempted to divide people into us and them, the in-group and the other, our civilization and those barbarians.Samuel P. Huntington. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. Simon & Schuster: New York. January 28, 1998. . pp. 7–8.

Despite the criticisms of the new world order concept, ranging from its practical unworkability to its theoretical incoherence, not only signed on to the idea of the "new world order", but dramatically expanded the concept beyond Bush's formulation. The essence of Clinton's election year critique was that Bush had done too little, not too much.David C. Hendrickson. "The Recovery of Internationalism." Foreign Affairs. September 1994 / October 1994

American intellectual , author of the 1994 book World Orders Old and New, often describes the "new world order" as a post-Cold-War era in which "the gives the orders". Commenting on the , he writes:

Following the rise of eclipsing Gorbachev and the election victory of Clinton over Bush, the term "new world order" fell from common usage. It was replaced by competing similar concepts about how the post.Cold War order would develop. Prominent among these were the ideas of the "era of ", the "unipolar moment", the "end of history" and the "Clash of Civilizations".Adam Garfinkle. "The Present Opportunity." The National Interest. 2001 Fall

Viewed in retrospect
A 2001 paper in Presidential Studies Quarterly examined the idea of the "new world order" as it was presented by the Bush administration (mostly ignoring previous uses by Gorbachev). Their conclusion was that Bush really only ever had three firm aspects to the new world order:
  1. Checking the offensive use of force.
  2. Promoting collective security.
  3. Using great power cooperation.

These were not developed into a policy architecture, but came about incrementally as a function of domestic, personal and global factors. Because of the somewhat overblown expectations for the new world order in the media, Bush was widely criticized for lacking vision.Eric A. Miller and Steve A. Yetiv, "The New World Order in Theory and Practice: The Bush Administration's Worldview in Transition." Presidential Studies Quarterly, March 2001

The Gulf crisis is seen as the catalyst for Bush's development and implementation of the new world order concept. The authors note that before the crisis the concept remained "ambiguous, nascent, and unproven" and that the U.S had not assumed a leadership role with respect to the new order. Essentially, the Cold War's end was the permissive cause for the new world order, but the Persian Gulf crisis was the active cause.

They reveal that in August 1990 U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia Charles W. Freeman Jr. sent a diplomatic cable to Washington from Saudi Arabia in which he argued that U.S. conduct in the Persian Gulf crisis would determine the nature of the world. Bush would then refer to the "new world order" at least 42 times from the summer of 1990 to the end of March 1991. They also note that Secretary of Defense gave three priorities to the Senate on fighting the Persian Gulf War, namely prevent further aggression, protect oil supplies and further a new world order. The authors note that the new world order did not emerge in policy speeches until after Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, maintaining that the concept was clearly not critical in the U.S. decision to deploy. John H. Sununu later indicated that the administration wanted to refrain from talking about the concept until Soviet collapse was more clear. A reversal of Soviet collapse would have been the death knell for the new order.

Bush and Scowcroft were frustrated by the exaggerated and distorted ideas surrounding the new world order. They did not intend to suggest that the U.S. would yield significant influence to the United Nations, or that they expected the world to enter an era of peace and tranquility. They preferred , but did not reject . The new world order did not signal peace, but a "challenge to keep the dangers of disorder at bay".

Bush's drive toward the Persian Gulf War was based on the world making a clear choice. Baker recalls that UNSCR 660's "language was simply and crystal clear, purposely designed by us to frame the vote as being for or against aggression". Bush's motivation centered around 1) the dangers of ; and 2) failure to check aggression could spark further aggression. Bush repeatedly invoked images of World War II in this connection and became very emotional over Iraqi atrocities being committed in Kuwait. He also believed that failure to check Iraqi aggression would lead to more challenges to the U.S.-favored status quo and global stability. While the end of the Cold War increased U.S. security globally, it remained vulnerable to regional threats. Furthermore, Washington believed that addressing the Iraqi threat would help reassert U.S. predominance in light of growing concerns about relative decline, following the resurgence of Germany and Japan.

The Gulf War was also framed as a test case for United Nations credibility. As a model for dealing with aggressors, Scowcroft believed that the United States ought to act in a way that others can trust and thus get United Nations support. It was critical that the U.S. not look like it was throwing its weight around. Great power cooperation and United Nations support would collapse if the U.S. marched on the to try to remake Iraq. However, practically, superpower cooperation was limited. For example, when the U.S. deployed troops to Saudi Arabia, Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze became furious at not being consulted.

By 1992, the authors note that the U.S. was already abandoning the idea of collective action. The leaked draft of the - 1992 Defense Guidance Report effectively confirmed this shift as it called for a unilateral role for the U.S. in world affairs, focusing on preserving American dominance.

In closing A World Transformed, Scowcroft sums up what his expectations were for the new world order. He states that the U.S. has the strength and the resources to pursue its own interests, but has a disproportionate responsibility to use its power in pursuit of the common good as well as an obligation to lead and to be involved. The U.S. is perceived as uncomfortable in exercising its power and ought to work to create predictability and stability in international relations. The U.S. needs not be embroiled in every conflict, but ought to aid in developing multilateral responses to them. The U.S. can unilaterally broker disputes, but ought to act whenever possible in concert with equally committed partners to deter major aggression. A World Transformed, pp. 565–566.

Recent political usage
stated in 1994: "The New World Order cannot happen without U.S. participation, as we are the most significant single component. Yes, there will be a New World Order, and it will force the United States to change its perceptions".World Affairs Council Press Conference, Regent Beverly Wilshire Hotel, April 19, 1994 Then on January 5, 2009, when asked on television by CNBC anchors about what he suggests focus on during the current Israeli crises he replied that it is a time to reevaluate American foreign policy and that "he can give new impetus to American foreign policy. ... I think that his task will be to develop an overall strategy for America in this period, when really a 'new world order' can be created. It's a great opportunity. It isn't such a crisis".

Former British United Kingdom Prime Minister and current British Middle East envoy stated on November 13, 2000 in his Mansion House speech: "There is a new world order like it or not".[13] He used the term in 2001, November 12, 2001 and 2002. On January 7, 2003, he stated that "the call was for a new world order. But a new order presumes a new consensus. It presumes a shared agenda and a global partnership to do it".

Former United Kingdom Prime Minister (then Chancellor of the Exchequer) stated on December 17, 2001: "This is not the first time the world has faced this question – so fundamental and far-reaching. In the 1940s, after the greatest of wars, visionaries in America and elsewhere looked ahead to a new world and – in their day and for their times – built a new world order".

Brown also called for a "new world order" in a 2008 speech in to reflect the rise of Asia and growing concerns over and . Brown said the new world order should incorporate a better representation of "the biggest shift in the balance of economic power in the world in two centuries". He then went on: "To succeed now, the post-war rules of the game and the post-war international institutions – fit for the Cold War and a world of just 50 states – must be radically reformed to fit our world of globalisation". He also called for the revamping of post-war global institutions including the , G8 and International Monetary Fund. Other elements of Brown's formulation include spending £100 million a year on setting up a rapid reaction force to intervene in failed states.

He also used the term on January 14, 2007,[14] March 12, 2007,[15] May 15, 2007, June 20, 2007, April 15, 2008 and on April 18, 2008. Brown also used the term in his speech at the G20 Summit in London on April 2, 2009.

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has called for a "new world order" based on new ideas, saying the era of tyranny has come to a dead-end. In an exclusive interview with Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), Ahmadinejad noted that it is time to propose new ideologies for running the world. 's stated goal is to establish a new world order based on , global collective security, reciprocity and justice. Iran urges NAM to make collective bids to establish global peace. PressTV, August 26, 2012. Retrieved November 20, 2012. Ahmadinejad calls for new world order based on justice . PressTV May 26, 2012. Retrieved November 20, 2012.

Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili said "it's time to move from words to action because this is not going to go away. This nation is fighting for its survival, but we are also fighting for world peace and we are also fighting for a Future World Order".

Turkish President Abdullah Gül said: "I don't think you can control all the world from one centre, There are big nations. There are huge populations. There is unbelievable economic development in some parts of the world. So what we have to do is, instead of unilateral actions, act all together, make common decisions and have consultations with the world. A new world order, if I can say it, should emerge".

On the , guest John King (of ) mentioned after Stephen Colbert joked about the media's role in getting Obama elected.

Some scholars of international relations have advanced the thesis that the declining global influence of the U.S. and the rise of largely illiberal powers such as China threaten the established norms and beliefs of the liberal rule-based world order. They describe three pillars of the prevailing order that are upheld and promoted by the West, namely peaceful international relations (the Westphalian norm), democratic ideals and free-market capitalism. Stewart Patrick suggests that emerging powers, China included, "often oppose the political and economic ground rules of the inherited Western liberal order" and Elizabeth Economy argues that China is becoming a "revolutionary power" that is seeking "to remake global norms and institutions". In contrast, contends that such a world order was never fully consolidated and that "the whole thesis that the U.S. is the champion and protector of a liberal rule-based global order and faces illiberal nations that do not buy into and need to be encouraged to accept prevailing norms, is a complex combination of beliefs many in the West truly hold. It is part of an ideological challenge to the legitimacy of the policies and regimes of other nations, mixed with a measure of self-congratulatory exceptionalism".

Russian political analyst Leonid Grinin believes that despite all the problems, the U.S. will preserve the leading position within a new world order since no other country is able to concentrate so many leader's functions. Yet, he insists that the formation of a new world order will start from an epoch of new coalitions Grinin, Leonid; Ilyin, Ilya V.; Andreev, Alexey I. 2016. World Order in the Past, Present, and Future. In Social Evolution & History. Volume 15, Number 1, pp. 58-84 [18]

See also
  • Anti-globalization movement
  • Criticisms of globalization
  • New Order (Nazism)
  • New World Order (conspiracy theory)
  • Novus ordo seclorum
  • Old Order (disambiguation)
  • Project for the New American Century
  • Technological utopianism
  • World Federalist Movement
  • World order
  • World Orders Old and New

References and Notes

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