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Infitah (, ), or Law 43 of 1974, was Egyptian president 's policy of "opening the door" to private investment in Egypt in the years after the 1973 October War (Yom Kippur War) with . Infitah was accompanied by a break with longtime ally and aid-giver the —which was replaced by the —and by a peace process with Israel, symbolized by Sadat's dramatic flight to in 1977. Infitah ended the domination of Egypt's by the and encouraged both domestic and foreign investment in the . Infitah was later adopted by other countries in the 1970s and 1980s.

The Egyptian Army crossed the Suez canal in the October 1973 Yom Kippur War. Despite the inconclusive outcome, many saw the crossing as a political victory for its initial successes.Loyola, Mario (7 October 2013). "How We Used to Do It – American diplomacy in the Yom Kippur War". . p. 1. Retrieved 2 December 2013. It gave Sadat the prestige to initiate a major reversal of Gamal Abdel Nasser's policies.


Overview
During the 1950s and 1960s, in the midst of the , some countries along the Middle East were seeing waves of Arab nationalism in Egypt, Yemen, Syria, and Iraq when aligning with the Eastern Bloc. These governments emphasized ideals like and centered their economic planning on reducing dependencies of foreign exports in favor of nationalizing foreign interests. Moreover, the development of the private sector was to start with the development with the public sector, pushing forwards an economy centered and controlled by the state.

Yet the oil crisis of the 1970s provided a huge influx of capital to oil-producing states along the Gulf, like Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq. Roger Owen highlights how total revenues from these states went from $9.3 billion in 1972, the year before the embargo, to $170.7 billion in 1980.

(2013). 9781134096114, Routledge. .
highlights how these reserves created a dynamic where oil-rich states, in need of leveraging this newly-found capital to invest in a wide variety of projects, would provide capital into oil-poor states for their migrant labor. By the 1970s, critics believed that Egypt's economy, with its large , had evolved into a "-style system" of "inefficiency, suffocating , and waste." These factors, in turn, encouraged Sadat and later others like Sudan, North Yemen, Syria, and Iraq, to prioritize drawing in capital and thus, abandon the Eastern bloc to gravitate towards the Western bloc.

Sadat also wanted to turn Egypt away from its focus on war with Israel and devotion of resources to a large military establishment. He believed that economic policies would build a substantial and that alliance with the and the would lead to prosperity ( rakhaa رخاء) and eventually democratic pluralism.Tarek Osman, Egypt on the Brink, p.65 Sudan, North Yemen, Syria, and Iraq later introduced similar infitah reforms like in Egypt.


Shortcomings
The implementation of Infitah is generally considered to have been flawed in its over-ambitiousness and its appearance of having abandoned "solidarity with the poor."Tarek Osman, Egypt on the Brink, p.125, 127 The government rewarded its cronies and allies (many of whom became quite rich) and built a power base loyal to the regime with concessions on land, goods and commodities; mandates and contracts to agencies and dealerships but did little to create and an open economy.Tarek Osman, Egypt on the Brink, p.118–9 Millions of previously poor Egyptians who had joined the under the Nasser regime through education and jobs as doctors, engineers, teachers, lawyers, journalists for the government or , were left stuck in an "increasingly marginalized, stagnant and low-paying public sector," under Infitah.Tarek Osman, Egypt on the Brink, p.120–21 Infitah was a shock to the Nasser-era middle class, reversing the socialist principles of Nasserism, seeming to revoke policies of free education, social equality, abolition of , nationalization of land and industry, and progressive taxation.Tarek Osman, Egypt on the Brink, p.124 At the same time the public sector continued to dominate the economy. The proportion of the population working for the state grew from 3.8% at the height of the Nasserite era to 10% (about 35% of the country's entire labor force) after the full thrust of Infitah in the early 1980s. Despite promotion of foreign private investment, the "state's contribution to the formation of investment capital" (72%), barely changed from the mid-1960s to the end of the 1970s.Tarek Osman, Egypt on the Brink, p.126

According to author Tarek Osman,

"Infitah's main fault was that it was over ambitious. It failed to recognize the complexities of Egypt's socio-economic conditions ... It ignored the limitations of the country's administrative system and the power of the military establishment ... the mismatch between the skills of the Egyptian middle class and the various economic opportunities springing up as a result. . . . As such, it was an unrealistically rapid developmental program that was doomed to fail."Tarek Osman, Egypt on the Brink, p.125

In 1977, negative public reaction to Infitah policies led to massive spontaneous riots involving hundreds of thousands of Egyptians when the state announced that it was retiring subsidies on basic foodstuffs. On 6 October 1981, Sadat was assassinated during a military parade in Cairo.


See also


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