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In post-classical history, an affinity was a collective name for the group (retinue) of (usually) men whom a lord gathered around himself in his service; it has been described by one modern historian as "the servants, retainers, and other followers of a lord", and as "part of the normal fabric of society".Holmes, G.A., The Later Middle Ages, 1272–1485 (Edinburgh, 1962), 167. It is considered a fundamental aspect of bastard feudalism, and acted as a means of tying to the lower nobility, just as feudalism had done in a different way.Carpenter, C., 'The Beauchamp Affinity: A Study of Bastard Feudalism at Work', EHR 95 (1980), 514.
One form of the relationship was known as livery and maintenance. The lord provided to be worn by the retainer and "maintenance" or his support in their disputes, which often constituted obstruction of judicial processes.
The lord would often include men in positions of local authority, for example Justices of the peace, within his affinity.Walker, S. K., 'Yorkshire Justices of the Peace', English Historical Review 108 (1993), 287. On the other hand, he might, as John of Gaunt did in the later fourteenth century, recruit people into his affinity regardless of their social weight, as an expression of his "courtly and chivalric ambitions", as Anthony Goodman said.Goodman, A., 'John of Gaunt: Paradigm of the Late Fourteenth-Century Crisis', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 37 (1987), 146–48. A contemporary described these as "kin, friendis, allys and parttakaris" ("kin, friends, allies, and partakers") to the lord.Wormald, J., Lords and Men in Scotland: Bonds of Manrent, 1442–1603 (Edinburgh, 1985), 76 ff. Members of the affinity could usually be identified by the livery the lord would distribute for their identification with him; this could range from simple armbands to "a more exclusive form of livery—exclusive metal mounted riband bands"; high-ranking members of John of Gaunt's retinue—a "highly prized" position—wore the Collar of Esses. The members of the affinity closest to the lord were those of most use: the estate officials, treasurer, stewards, and often more than one lawyer.
In Richard's case, it has been suggested it was for the purpose of building up royal power to counteract the pre-existing affinities of the nobility and strengthen his own power. Indeed, they were at the heart of the army Richard took to Ireland on his 1399 campaign, prior to his deposition. This could include several hundred 'King's knights' and esquires, retained with hard cash.Wormald, J., Lords and Men in Scotland: Bonds of Manrent 1442–1603 (Edinburgh, 1985), 77ff. In fact, the amounts the crown spent on its regional affinity were the cause of much of the discontent over royal expenditure that Richard II, for example, faced in 1397. Likewise, John of Gaunt's affinity increased by half between 1381 and the early 1390s and cost him far greater sums than the 10% of income that magnates generally expended on their retinues. Gaunt used it to defend his position against the crown as Richard II's reign became increasingly erratic, and his son, Henry of Bolingbroke, inherited it in 1399, and found it a ready-made army that allowed him to overthrow Richard. In very similar circumstances, in 1471, Edward IV, returning from exile to reclaim his throne, gathered his affinity with him as he marched south, and it has been said that "it was as master of such an affinity that at Barnet and Tewkesbury King Edward won a wider mastery".Morgan, D. A. L., 'The King's Affinity in the Polity of Yorkist England', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 23 (1973), 12. The earl of Salisbury, also using his affinity as a show of strength in 1458, attended a royal council meeting with an affinity of about 400 horsemen and eighty knights and squires; the contemporary Brut Chronicle estimated it at around 500 men.Maurer, M., Margaret of Anjou: Queenship and Power in Late Medieval England (Woodbridge, 2003), 154 n.68.Bean, J. M. W., From Lord to Patron: Lordship in Late Medieval England (Philadelphia, 1989), 172–73.
Affinities were not confined to kings or ; in the 1420s, for example, Henry Beaufort maintained an affinity in many English county, although, as a churchman, his affinity was political rather than military.Sweetinburgh, S. (ed.), Later Medieval Kent, 1220–1540 (Woodbridge, 2010), 241. They were not also confined to men: Edward II's Queen consort, Isabella, had an affinity whose "collective influence was as powerful as the most powerful lords," even if with less of a military. They could also be expanded through the course of events; Edward IV's covert marriage to Elizabeth Woodville brought an important The Midlands family and their retainers directly into the royal household.Morgan, D. A. L., 'The King's Affinity in the Polity of Yorkist England', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 23 (1973), 7.
Recently it has been questioned whether a royal affinity could actually work in the same way as a noble one. It has been suggested that since the king had to be a lord to his retainers and provide good lordship, but also king to the entire people, a contradiction existed, resulting in a decline in local stability where this occurred. At the same time, even powerful magnates such as Gaunt could cause local dissatisfaction by retaining some and, inevitably, excluding others. On the other hand, it has also been pointed out how, particularly for kings, recruitment into the affinity was a clear promotion which could act as an encouraging loyalty or offered a political amnesty.Morgan, D. A. L., 'The King's Affinity in the Polity of Yorkist England', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 23 (1973), 8.
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