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Yam (sometimes Yamm; ; “sea”) was a god representing the sea and other sources of water worshiped in various locations on the eastern Mediterranean coast, as well as further inland in modern Syria. He is best known from the Ugaritic texts. While he was a minor deity in Ugaritic religion, he is nonetheless attested as a recipient of offerings, and a number of invoking him have been identified. He also played a role in Ugaritic mythology. In the Baal Cycle he is portrayed as an enemy of the weather god, Baal. Their struggle revolves around attaining the rank of the king of the gods. The narrative portrays Yam as the candidate favored by the senior god El, though ultimately it is Baal who emerges victorious. Yam nonetheless continues to be referenced through the story after his defeat. In texts from other archaeological sites in Syria, attestations of Yam are largely limited to theophoric names. In Emar he was among the many deities venerated during a local festival, zukru, which took place once every seven years.
Yam was also known in Ancient Egypt, though there is no evidence that he was actively worshiped in ancient Egyptian religion. He plays a role in a myth preserved in the so-called Astarte Papyrus, which is presumed to be an adaptation of western motifs, though not necessarily of the Baal Cycle. Yam is portrayed as an enemy of the Ennead who demands a tribute from the other gods, while the eponymous goddess is tasked with bringing it to him. Set, who serves as a stand-in for Baal, is responsible for defeating him, though the outcome of their battle is only known from references in incantations, as the ending of the Astarte Papyrus is not preserved. Yam is also present in the Tale of Two Brothers.
In the Hebrew Bible, Yam appears as an enemy of Yahweh. It is presumed that his presence reflects a reference of a shared West Semitic tradition on early Israelites literature. A further possible reference to Yam has been identified in the Phoenician History of Philo of Byblos, a Hellenistic euhemeristic work combining and Greco-Roman elements. One of the figures mentioned in this work, Pontos, is presumed to constitute a translation of Yam.
In comparative scholarship, Yam's role in the Baal Cycle is often analyzed alongside other myths from the region focused on battles between figures representing the weather and the sea. Historically the conflict with Tiamat in Enūma Eliš was seen as a close parallel, though in more recent scholarship differences between these two narratives and the respective roles of these figures have also been pointed out. Comparisons have also been made between Yam and Kiaše and Ḫedammu from Hurrian mythology.
A cognate of Yam’s Ugaritic name has been identified in the Akkadian dialect used in Emar. It was written in cuneiform as dingirYa-a-mi. Cognate words referring to the sea occur in Phoenician, Aramaic, Hebrew language and Arabic. Furthermore, the early form wa-mu or wa-mu-um (/wammu(m)/) has also been identified in Eblaite language. It preserves an “archaic *w-prototype of this lexeme” predating the shift from w to y attested in Northwest Semitic languages. As a loanword, the word yammu is also attested in Egyptian under a variety of spellings, typically as a designation for the Mediterranean Sea, though it could function as a theonym too.
In texts from Ugarit written in syllabic cuneiform, the sign sequence A.AB.BA, elsewhere read as the Akkadian word tâmtu, could be employed to write the ordinary word yammu as well as Yam’s name, as attested in a lexical text mentioning dA.AB.BA and by the logographic writing of the theophoric name ‘bdym, ÌR.A.AB.BA. However, dA.AB.BA does not appear as an entry in any Mesopotamian god lists. A figure whose name is written this way appears in the Myth of the Plough, a text only known from a single late copy from either the Neo-Babylonian or Achaemenid period, but she is female and has been characterized as dissimilar to Yam by Aaron Tugendhaft.
In addition to functioning as a distinct theonym, the Ugaritic word ym is also attested as a part of one of the epithets of Athirat, rbt ‘aṯrt ym, “Lady Athirat of the Sea”. However, it is agreed that in this case the ordinary word is meant, rather than an allusion to an unknown myth involving Yam and this goddess. Athirat’s association with the sea understood as a body of water rather than a deity is well attested, but its nature is poorly understood. However, Steve A. Wiggins suggests that due to Yam’s primary role as a sea god, “his domain is probably not encroached upon by that of Athirat”. Two literary passages which might refer to deities as bn ym, “son of the sea”, are also assumed to refer to the body of water rather than Yam.
Thirteen individuals bearing invoking Yam have been identified in the Ugaritic texts. Examples include Yammu’ilu (“Yam is god”), ’Iluyammu (“a god is Yam”), Milkuyammu (“a king is Yam”) and ‘Abduyammi (“servant of Yam”).
The motif of the combat between the weather god and the sea first occurs in a letter sent by a certain Nūr-Sîn, a representative of Mari in Aleppo, to king Zimri-Lim. A passage in it has the form of a message from Adad:
It has been argued that an incantation from Ebla in which the weather god, Hadda, vanquishes snakes with the help of Ammarik, might be an even earlier example, but according to Daniel Schwemer no conclusive evidence in favor of this interpretation is available. In the early tradition the enemy of the weather god was known as Têmtum, a “sea numen” ( Meernumen). The name of this figure was written without the so-called divine determinative ( dingir) in cuneiform. Seals showing a weather god striking a serpent have been tentatively identified as a representation of the battle between Adad and Têmtum. has proposed that the motif of battle against the sea reached inland Syria from Ugarit, but this interpretation is regarded as unlikely. Most likely a variant of the account known from the Mari was integrated into Ugaritic tradition, and as a result eventually into the Baal Cycle.
In the beginning of the Ugaritic narrative, Yam is presented as El’s favored candidate for the position of the king of the gods, and he seemingly enjoys the support of much of the divine council. He is described as “the beloved of El” ( mdd ‘il), which reflects the special status assigned to him by the head of the pantheon. He also receives the name Yam from him in place of his original name (). The interpretation of the latter remains a matter of scholarly dispute, though it has been tentatively related to Jehovah known from Philo of Byblos’ Phoenician History, a deity apparently worshiped in Beirut in antiquity. Smith argues that "Ieuo is more likely to be a deity indigenous to Phoenicia than to Israel, and the identification to Ieuo with Yamm/yw, though by no means assured, is preferable to an equation with Yahweh" It is possible that Athirat is responsible for proclaiming the bestowal of the additional name upon Yam. El also addresses Yam as his son, which might reflect either actual parentage or adoption related to his royal status. Furthermore, he orders Kothar-wa-Khasis to build a palace for the sea god. Its construction is meant to signify his legitimacy. Baal’s position in the narrative is comparatively weaker, but he is presented as the better candidate for the position of the king of the gods by the narrator.
Yam is also mentioned in the passage which follows the description of El enlisting Kothar-wa-Khasis’ help, which focuses on Shapash, but due to the state of preservation of the tablet the full context remains uncertain. The sun goddess, apparently acting as a messenger, is talking with Athtar, who has just learned about Yam’s new position and shows displeasure with not being selected himself. However, she points out to him that if El wants to make Yam the king, he will not hearken to Athtar’s opinion. She also warns him that if he questions the new status quo, El might in turn question his authority. Athtar as a result does not interfere with Yam’s activities. Yam subsequently meets with his own messengers. These two minor deities, addressed as "the embassy of judge Nahar" ( t’dt ṯpṭ nhr), are left unnamed. They are described as fiery. This lead researchers to compare them with other messengers known from Ancient Near Eastern religious literature said to possess similar qualities, such as the Mesopotamian god Ishum (“fire”), an attendant of Erra, as well as the angel from Exodus 3:2 described as a “fiery flame” or the , whose name is derived from the root * śrp, “to burn”. While a "servant of Yam" or "youth of Yam" ( gml ym) is also mentioned in the Epic of Kirta, according to this phrase might only be a poetic way to refer to a wave or sea creature in this context. Yam tells the messengers to visit the divine assembly, instructing them in advance to not bow down to El. This represents a breach of social norms, as in theory as deities of lesser rank they are not permitted to show defiance. They are also told to repeat Yam’s announcement to the other gods:
As soon as the gathered gods notice they the approaching, they bow their heads, but Baal rebukes them for it. The reaction of the assembly presumably reflects submission to Yam’s rule. The messengers eventually arrive, and following Yam’s instructions do not bow to anyone while presenting the message. El responds by declaring Baal is now to be considered Yam’s captive, and obliges him to provide the sea god with tribute. Baal wants to attack the messengers, though he is stopped by Ashtart and Anat. It has been argued that this point of the narrative represents the peak of Yam’s power over the pantheon, with only Baal being willing to oppose him. The next passage is poorly preserved, but it has been proposed that either Baal or Yam issues a declaration of battle to the other through messengers.
The beginning of the section describing the confrontation between the two rivals is difficult to interpret, but it is presumed Baal falls under the power of Yam, apparently described as “the sieve of destruction”. Mark S. Smith argues that since Yam is still at “the apogee of his power”, Baal apparently curses against him. It has been proposed that he subsequently sinks underneath Yam’s throne and a third party, possibly Ashtart, affirms that he is losing, though the interpretation of this fragment is disputed. However, Kothar-wa-Khasis reassures Baal and crafts two weapons for him, declaring that he will be able to defeat Yam. They are presumed to be either maces or fictional lightning-like weapons, known from depictions of weather gods. They both receive names, meant to designate them as capable of “expelling” and “driving away” Yam from his throne. Baal first strikes him with Yagarrish (“may-it-drive-out”), but is unsuccessful, and only with the second strike, using Ayyamarri (“anyone-it-may-expel”), does he actually defeat him. Yam collapses on the ground, though the fight continues. Baal might be “ensnaring” him. A possible reference to “drying up” has also been identified. In the following passage Ashtart according to most interpreters rebukes Baal, possibly because he did not act quickly or wisely enough in battle. Alternate proposals include understanding her words as a warning not to further harm already defeated Yam, or a curse directed at the sea god. The meaning of the term describing Baal’s actions in Ashtart’s speech, bṯ, is uncertain,though “scatter” has been proposed based on a possible Arabic cognate, baṯṯa, and on similar phrasing of the later section of the text dealing with Anat’s victory over Mot. Ashtart subsequently proclaims Yam is now their captive. This declaration constitutes a reversal of El ordering Baal to become Yam’s captive in an earlier section of the story. In the next passage uncertain speakers, possibly Ashtart and Kothar-wa-Khasis, proclaim Baal’s kingship and state that Yam is dead. However, it is a matter of debate if he is actually destroyed or killed as a result of his battle with Baal. Meindert Dijkstra assumes that he was not, and Baal’s victory only curtailed his power. Mark S. Smith notes that while the verb used to describe the conclusion of the fight, tkly, does have the base meaning of “destroy”, in the light of further references to Yam in the story it is possible that either its verbal mood is meant to indicate that Baal only “would destroy” him if given the chance, or that it constitutes a relic of an earlier version of the story. He proposes that incorporation of the conflict between Baal and Yam into a longer narrative necessitated his reappearance despite a possible earlier version simply concluding with his death. It is also possible that Yam’s continuous presence is meant to highlight that he represents a lasting threat, and perhaps hint at the battles against him repeating eternally.
Yam continues to play a role in the story of the Baal Cycle after his defeat. The section which immediately follows describes Baal hosting a banquet on Jebel Aqra, possibly in order to celebrate Yam’s defeat, but neither the attendees nor its purpose are known due to a lacuna. In another passage, Anat mentions Yam while enumerating enemies she defeated after being approached by Gupan and Ugar:
Anat’s intent seems to be to emphasize the connection between all of the listed enemies, including Yam, and El. Her speech might reference a different conflict related to Baal’s struggle for kingship, though it has also been interpreted as a relic of an originally separate tradition in which Yam’s defeat was attributed to her rather than the weather god, which was otherwise not incorporated into the Baal Cycle. If the former interpretation is accepted, it is possible that the battles were originally a part of the Baal Cycle, and their description occupied one of the lacunas on the earlier tablets. If the latter proposal is correct instead, the intent of the compilers might have been to harmonize originally separate accounts. A reference to Anat’s battle with Yam or to a further tradition where she and Baal fought him together might be present in the text KTU 1.83. Aicha Rahmouni notes it is sometimes argued that the other monsters defeated by Anat were identified with Yam. Mark S. Smith and Wayne T. Pitard single out the dragon-like Tunnanu as a possible non-anthropomorphic form of the sea god. This conclusion has been criticized by Brendon C. Benz, who argues Yam and Tunnanu are presented as separate beings. He points out that he is never identified with either this being or other sea monsters, such as Lotan, in any other Ugaritic texts. Pitard has suggested that Yam might be identified with Tunnanu in KTU 1.83, though Benz instead argues text itself similarly does not necessarily indicate that they were identical.
It is possible that Yam is mentioned again when Athirat spots Baal and Anat approaching her. According to Steve A. Wiggins’ interpretation, she orders her fisherman to restrain Yam with a net. Wiggins argues that once she realized Baal’s intent is peaceful, she takes precautions to make sure his rival is kept at bay during their meeting. In the same section of the story, Baal complains about an affront he has recently faced. It is presumed that the enemy he mentions, who apparently insulted him in front of the divine assembly, was Yam.
Yam is mentioned again when Baal explains to Kothar-wa-Khasis why he does not want a window to be installed in his palace. He might be concerned that it would let Yam attack or kidnap his daughters, Pidray and Tallay. Baal’s fears are seemingly unfounded, and both goddesses he is concerned about continue to appear in association with him in later sections of the text after the installation of the window. It is presumed that the section of the plot involving Yam is fully resolved shortly after this scene, when Baal invites all the other gods to his palace, but due to the state of preservation of the tablet the exact circumstances are uncertain. Yam’s name appears in a poorly preserved passage which is agreed to be too short to contain a description of a battle. One possible interpretation is that the assembled deities guarantee their loyalty to Baal and reject allegiance to Yam.
According to Steve A. Wiggins, Yam is referenced once more in the hymn closing the Baal Cycle, which is dedicated to Shapash. However, an ordinary noun, either “sea” or “day”, might also be meant. Wiggins proposes that this passage might be a rubric alluding to the situation before Baal’s victory over Yam, though also speculates whether it might be another indication that he is to be understood as a continuous threat in the narrative.
A foundation inscription of Mariote king Yahdun-Lim mentions that upon reaching the Mediterranean coast ( kišād ti’amtim), he made an offering to the sea ( a-a-ab-ba), and his troops bathed in its waters. While the word is not written with the so-called divine determinative, it is presumed that a deity, specifically Yam, is nonetheless meant. The same king also gave his son, , and possibly his daughter Ia-ma-ma, theophoric names invoking Yam. Individuals bearing names such as Abdiyamm ("servant of Yam") and Ilym ("Yam is god") are also mentioned in texts from Mari. According to Ryan D. Winters the god Emu ( de-mu), who is described as "Nergal of Suhum" in the Mesopotamian god list Anšar = Anum, might also be identical with Yam; his association with Nergal would presumably reflect the latter's title lugala'abba, "king of the sea". However, it is also possible that Emu is instead related to another Mariote deity, the sparsely attested underworld god Âmûm ( a-mu, a-mu-um or a-mi-im), whose name is not etymologically related to Yam's.
Yam is also attested in sources from Emar. An offering made jointly to him and a hypostasis of Ashtart ( ša abi) is mentioned in the text of the zukru festival (tablet Emar 373+) in a section dealing with the distribution of lambs, wine and various types of bread to deities. The zukru took place once every seven years. It has a bigger scope than other attested celebrations known from Emar, and seemingly involved the entire pantheon of the city.
While later Arameans and Luwians artifacts from the same region, for example a stele from Tell Ashara (Terqa) and reliefs from Malatya in modern Turkey, have been interpreted as evidence for familiarity with the motif of a battle between the sea and a weather god, related textual sources do not mention Yam.
According to Mark S. Smith, Yam’s recognition of Astarte’s anger should be interpreted as an indication that her mission failed. She reports the outcome to the Ennead, and after a lacuna another tribute is offered to the sea, this time by Ptah, Geb and Nut. They apparently provide him with their jewelry as tribute due to his growing greed. A lacuna of over 100 lines follows; when the story resumes, the sea once again covers the earth, and in fragmentary context Set is mentioned. A description of the battle is not preserved, though it is known that it occurred in the lost sections due to a line explaining that the text describes deeds performed “in order to fight the Sea”. Set presumably emerges victorious in the end. Allusions to combat between Yam and Set or Baal have also been identified in the Hearst Medical Papyrus, Greater Berlin Papyrus and Leiden Magical Papyrus. The second of these texts affirms that the sea god eventually yielded to his opponent according to Egyptian tradition. An ostracon from Deir el-Medina inscribed with a hymn dedicated to Ramesses III (oDeM 1222), which favorably compares the pharaoh to Set and highlights his mastery over the waves of the sea, might also constitute a reference to this tradition.
The Astarte Papyrus has been prepared to honor the pharaoh Amenhotep II, and due to the presence of Ptah it might have been composed in Memphis. However, the plot shows the influence of a West Semitic milieu, though with Set taking the role elsewhere assigned to Baal. It might have been derived directly from the Baal Cycle, though this proposal is not universally accepted, as a number of plot points find no parallel in the Baal Cycle. The motif of the sea deity demanding tribute has been compared to the Hurrian religion Song of the Sea, where the deity who suggests this solution is Kumarbi, and Šauška is tasked with bringing it; these two figures are, respectively, a deity associated with grain and a goddess associated with a weather god, similarly as Reneunet and Astarte. The Egyptian and Hurrian myths might have been adopted from the same source, distinct from the Ugaritic myth.
Relaying partially on the Astarte Papyrus, which according to her might contain a reference to marriage between Yam and Astarte, Noga Ayali-Darshan has suggested that originally they were viewed as spouses in the Levant. This proposal has been evaluated critically by Mark S. Smith, who points out the text indicates Astarte reacted with sadness to the Ennead’s instruction, that the preserved details of the ending do not indicate a spousal relation between her and Yam, and the lack of parallels in Ugaritic material. He also notes that the supplementary evidence she provides, a possible connection between Ashtart ša abi and Yam, is not conclusive, as while they receive offerings together in a single case, the epithet of the former deity might instead refer to a type of shrine ( abû), to a month in the local calendar ( Abî), or to the plural of the word “father”. The interpretation of the epithet ša abi as related to the word a-ab-ba (“sea”) has already been already rejected by Daniel E. Fleming in an earlier study of Emariote texts. Smith accepts the possibility of a connection between the two deities, though he notes it might have been antagonistic, or that a tradition in which multiple gods competed for Ashtart might have existed.
The identification of Philo’s Pontos as a late version of Yam is supported by the account of his conflict with Demarous, corresponding to Baal, and by the analogous meaning of his name, which can be translated from Greek as “sea”. Albert I. Baumgarten has proposed that Poseidon also corresponds to Yam, as according to him “a single Semitic deity might, in different places, be identified with different Greek gods and vice versa” in Philo’s writings. However, as argued by Aaron J. Brody, the Phoenician deity whose interpretatio graeca was Poseidon, who is also attested in other sources, does not correspond to Yam. His native identity remains unknown due to lack references in bilingual texts, but he was most likely a protective deity of sailors.
While no parallel to Yam has been identified among Mesopotamian deities, it has been pointed out that similarities exist between him and the Hurrian religion sea god, Kiaše. In Hurrian offering list from Ugarit, he occupies a position comparable to Yam in these written in Ugaritic. Furthermore, a myth focused on him, the Song of the Sea, deals with similar themes as the Yam section of the Baal Cycle. Its central theme is the conflict between a weather god, Teššub, and the sea god. The performance of the Song of the Sea was linked to the ritual role of Jebel Aqra, referred to as Ḫazzi in this context. Meindert Dijkstra additionally notes the Hurrian myth of Ḫedammu, a sea monster similarly portrayed as an enemy of the weather god, can be considered a close parallel of the conflict involving Yam in Ugaritic mythology.
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