[As opposed to classical republicanism; see Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism: The Moral Vision of the American Founders and the Philosophy of Locke (1988), p. 35: "The misreading of the major sources is ... not the only fault that tells against the "classical republican" interpretation of. ... A meticulous comparison ... of early American political thought and classical political philosophy is essential ... because eighteenth-century political thought in America and Europe is dominated (though not monopolized) by the diverse and competing offshoots of a profoundly anticlassical conception of human nature and politics.] is the guiding political ideology of the United States. It has been a major part of American civic thought since its founding. [Robert E. Shalhope, "Toward a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of an Understanding of Republicanism in American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly, 29 (January 1972), pp. 49–80.] It stresses liberty and unalienable individual rights as central values, making people sovereign as a whole, rejects monarchy, aristocracy and inherited political power, expects citizens to be independent in their performance of civic duties, and vilifies corruption. [Richard Buel, Securing the Revolution: Ideology in American Politics, 1789–1815 (1972)] American republicanism was founded and first practiced by the Founding Fathers in the 18th century. For them, according to one team of historians, "republicanism represented more than a particular form of government. It was a way of life, a core ideology, an uncompromising commitment to liberty, and a total rejection of aristocracy." [Robert A. Divine, T. H. Breen, et al. The American Story (3rd ed. 2007) p. 147]
Republicanism was based on Ancient Greco-Roman, Renaissance, and English models and ideas.
[Becker et al (2002), ch 1] It formed the basis for the American Revolution, the Declaration of Independence (1776), the Constitution (1787), the Bill of Rights, as well as the Gettysburg Address (1863).
Republicanism is a type of democracy, but if protected by a Bill of Rights, may be distinguished from other forms of democracy as a Bill of Rights asserts that each individual has unalienable rights that cannot be voted away by a majority of voters, unless the other type of democracies are also protected by a Bill of Rights.
[John Phillip Reid, Constitutional History of the American Revolution (2003) p. 76] Alexis de Tocqueville warned about the "tyranny of the majority" in a democracy, and suggested the courts should try to reverse the efforts of the majority of terminating the rights of an unpopular minority. [Kyle G. Volk, "The Perils of 'Pure Democracy': Minority Rights, Liquor Politics, and Popular Sovereignty in Antebellum America," Journal of the Early Republic Vol. 29, No. 4, Winter 2009 ; Volk, Kyle G. (2014). Moral Minorities and the Making of American Democracy. New York: Oxford University Press.]
The term "republicanism" is derived from the term "republic", but the two words have different meanings. A "republic" is a form of government (one without a hereditary ruling class); "republicanism" refers to the values of the citizens in a republic.
[Hart, (2002), ch. 1]
/ref> – the Democratic-Republican Party of Thomas Jefferson (founded in 1793, and often called the "Jeffersonian Republican Party"), and the current Republican Party, founded in 1854.
[Robert Williams, Horace Greeley: champion of American freedom (2006) pp. 175–76]
The American Revolution
The colonial intellectual and political leaders in the 1760s and 1770s closely read history to compare governments and their effectiveness of rule.
[Trevor Colbourn, The Lamp of Experience: Whig History and the Intellectual Origins of the American Revolution (1965) online version]
The Revolutionists were especially concerned with the history of liberty in England and were primarily influenced by the "country party" (which opposed the Court Party that held power). Country party relied heavily on the classical republicanism of Roman heritage; it celebrated the ideals of duty and virtuous citizenship in a republic. It drew heavily on ancient Greek city-state and Roman republican examples.
[H. T. Dickinson, ed., A companion to eighteenth-century Britain (2002) p. 300]
The Country party shared some of the political philosophy of Whiggism
as well as Tory critics in England which roundly denounced the corruption surrounding the "court" party in London centering on the royal court. This approach produced a political ideology Americans called "republicanism", which was widespread in America by 1775.
[Mortimer N. S. Sellers, American republicanism (1994) p. 3]
"Republicanism was the distinctive political consciousness of the entire Revolutionary generation."
[Robert Kelley, "Ideology and Political Culture from Jefferson to Nixon," American Historical Review, 82 (June 1977), p. 536]
J.G.A. Pocock explained the intellectual sources in America:
[J.G.A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment p. 507]
American republicanism was centered on limiting corruption and greed. Virtue was of the utmost importance for citizens and representatives. Revolutionaries took a lesson from ancient Rome, they knew it was necessary to avoid the luxury that had destroyed the Empire.
A virtuous citizen was one who ignored monetary compensation and made a commitment to resist and eradicate corruption. The Republic was sacred; therefore, it is necessary to serve the state in a truly representative way, ignoring self-interest and individual will. Republicanism required the service of those who were willing to give up their own interests for a common good. According to Bernard Bailyn "The preservation of liberty rested on the ability of the people to maintain effective checks on wielders of power and hence in the last analysis rested on the vigilance and moral stamina of the people...." Virtuous citizens needed to be strong defenders of liberty and challenge the corruption and greed in government. The duty of the virtuous citizen became a foundation for the American Revolution. [Zephyr Teachout, Corruption in America: From Benjamin Franklin's Snuff Box to Citizens United (2014)]
Cause of revolution
The commitment of most Americans to republican values and to their property rights helped bring about the American Revolution. Britain was increasingly being seen as corrupt and hostile and that of a threat to the very idea of democracy; a threat to the established liberties that Americans enjoyed and to American property rights.
[Bailyn, Bernard. The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (1967)]
The greatest threat to liberty was thought by many to be corruption – not just in London but at home as well. The colonists associated it with luxury and, especially, inherited aristocracy, which they condemned.
Historian Thomas Kidd (2010) argues that during the Revolution Christians linked their religion to republicanism. He states, "With the onset of the revolutionary crisis, a major conceptual shift convinced Americans across the theological spectrum that God was raising up America for some special purpose."
[Thomas S. Kidd, God of Liberty: A Religious History of the American Revolution p. 9] Kidd further argues that " new blend of Christian and republican ideology led religious traditionalists to embrace wholesale the concept of republican virtue." [Kidd, God of Liberty, p. 8] As virtuous republicans, citizens had a growing moral obligation to eradicate the corruption they saw in the monarchy. [Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution p. 525]
Historian Gordon Wood has tied the founding ideas to American exceptionalism: "Our beliefs in liberty, equality, constitutionalism, and the well-being of ordinary people came out of the Revolutionary era. So too did our idea that we Americans are a special people with a special destiny to lead the world toward liberty and democracy."
[Gordon Wood, "Introduction" in Idea of America: Reflections on the Birth of the United States (2011) online.] Americans were the protectors of liberty, they had a greater obligation and destiny to assert republican virtue. In Discourse of 1759 Jonathan Mayhew states "An absolute submission to our prince, or whether disobedience and resistance may not be justified able in some cases…to all those who bear the title of rulers in common but only to those who actually perform the duty of rulers by exercising a reasonable and just authority for the good of human society." The notion that British rulers were not virtuous, nor exercising their authority for the "good of human society" prompted the colonial desire to protect and reestablish republican values in government. This need to protect virtue was a philosophical underpinning of the American Revolution. [Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution p. 92]
The "Founding Fathers" were strong advocates of republican values, especially Samuel Adams
, Patrick Henry
, George Washington, Thomas Paine
, Benjamin Franklin, John Adams
, Thomas Jefferson
, James Madison
and Alexander Hamilton.
[Robert E. Shalhope, "Toward a Republican Synthesis," William and Mary Quarterly, 29 (January 1972), pp. 49–80]
Thomas Jefferson defined a republic as:
The Founding Fathers discoursed endlessly on the meaning of "republicanism." John Adams in 1787 defined it as "a government, in which all men, rich and poor, magistrates and subjects, officers and people, masters and servants, the first citizen and the last, are equally subject to the laws."
[ Republican Government. Retrieved on 2006-12-14.]
Virtue vs. commerce
The open question, as Pocock suggested,
[J.G.A. Pocock, "Virtue and Commerce in the Eighteenth Century," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 3#1 (1972), pp. 119–34.]
of the conflict between personal economic interest (grounded in Lockean liberalism) and classical republicanism, troubled Americans. Thomas Jefferson
and James Madison
roundly denounced the Federalists for creating a national bank as tending to corruption and monarchism; Alexander Hamilton staunchly defended his program, arguing that national economic strength was necessary for the protection of liberty. Jefferson never relented but by 1815 Madison switched and announced in favor of a national bank, which he set up in 1816.
John Adams often pondered the issue of civic virtue. Writing Mercy Otis Warren in 1776, he agreed with the Greeks and the Romans, that, "Public Virtue cannot exist without private, and public Virtue is the only Foundation of Republics." Adams insisted, "There must be a positive Passion for the public good, the public Interest, Honor, Power, and Glory, established in the Minds of the People, or there can be no Republican Government, nor any real Liberty. And this public Passion must be Superior to all private Passions. Men must be ready, they must pride themselves, and be happy to sacrifice their private Pleasures, Passions, and Interests, nay their private Friendships and dearest connections, when they Stand in Competition with the Rights of society."
[Adams quoted in Paul A. Rahe, Republics Ancient and Modern: Classical Republicanism and the American Revolution. Volume: 2 (1994) p. 23.]
Adams worried that a businessman might have financial interests that conflicted with republican duty; indeed, he was especially suspicious of banks. He decided that history taught that "the Spirit of Commerce ... is incompatible with that purity of Heart, and Greatness of soul which is necessary for a happy Republic." But so much of that spirit of commerce had infected America. In New England, Adams noted, "even the Farmers and Tradesmen are addicted to Commerce." As a result, there was "a great Danger that a Republican Government would be very factious and turbulent there."
[Adams 1776 quoted in Rahe, Republics Ancient and Modern 2:23.]
A second stream of thought growing in significance was the classical liberalism of John Locke
, including his theory of the "social contract
". This had a great influence on the revolution as it implied the inborn right of the people to overthrow their leaders should those leaders betray the agreements implicit in the sovereign-follower relationship. Historians find little trace of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's influence in America.
["Rousseau, whose romantic and egalitarian tenets had practically no influence on the course of Jefferson's, or indeed any American, thought." Nathan Schachner, Thomas Jefferson: A Biography. (1957). p. 47.]
In terms of writing state and national constitutions, the Americans used Montesquieu's analysis of the ideally "balanced" British Constitution. But first and last came a commitment to republicanism, as shown by many historians such as Bernard Bailyn
and Gordon S. Wood.
For a century, historians have debated how important republicanism was to the Founding Fathers. The interpretation before 1960, following Progressive School historians such as Charles A. Beard, Vernon L. Parrington and Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr., downplayed rhetoric as superficial and looked for economic motivations. Louis Hartz
refined the position in the 1950s, arguing John Locke
was the most important source because his property-oriented liberalism
supported the materialistic goals of Americans.
[Gordon S. Wood, "Rhetoric and Reality in the American Revolution," William and Mary Quarterly 23#1 (1966), pp. 3–32 in JSTOR]
In the 1960s and 1970s, two new schools emerged that emphasized the primacy of ideas as motivating forces in history (rather than material self-interest). Bernard Bailyn, Gordon Wood from Harvard formed the "Cambridge School"; at Washington University the "St. Louis School" was led by J.G.A. Pocock. They emphasized slightly different approaches to republicanism.
[Rodgers (1992)] However, some scholars, especially Isaac Kramnick, continue to emphasize Locke, arguing that Americans are fundamentally individualistic and not devoted to civic virtue. The relative importance of republicanism and liberalism remains a topic of strong debate among historians, as well as the politically active of present day.
New Nation: The Constitution
The Founding Fathers wanted republicanism because its principles guaranteed liberty, with opposing, limited powers offsetting one another. They thought change should occur slowly, as many were afraid that a "democracy" – by which they meant a direct democracy
– would allow a majority of voters at any time to trample rights and liberties. They believed the most formidable of these potential majorities was that of the poor against the rich.
[Gordon S. Wood, Empire of liberty: a history of the early Republic, 1789–1815 (2009) p. 214]
They thought democracy could take the form of Ochlocracy
that could be shaped on the spot by a demagogue.
[Mark B. Brown, Science in democracy: expertise, institutions, and representation (2009) p. 83]
Therefore, they devised a written Constitution that could be amended only by a super majority, preserved competing sovereignties in the constituent states,
[When Alexander Hamilton proposed at the Constitutional Convention to drastically reduce the power of the states, he won no support and dropped the idea.]
gave the control of the upper house (Senate) to the states, and created an Electoral College, comprising a small number of elites, to select the president. They set up a House of Representatives to represent the people. In practice the electoral college soon gave way to control by political parties. In 1776, most states required property ownership to vote, but most citizens owned farms in the 90% rural nation, so it was not a severe restriction. As the country urbanized and people took on different work, the property ownership requirement was gradually dropped by many states. Property requirements were gradually dismantled in state after state, so that all had been eliminated by 1850, so that few if any economic barriers remained to prevent white, adult males from voting.
[Alexander Keyssar, The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States (2001)]
"Republican" as party name
In 1792–93 Jefferson and Madison created a new "Democratic-Republican party" in order to promote their version of the doctrine. They wanted to suggest that Hamilton's version was illegitimate.
[Fawn Brodie, Thomas Jefferson (1974) p. 267]
According to Federalist Noah Webster
, a political activist bitter at the defeat of the Federalist party in the White House and Congress, the choice of the name "Democratic-Republican" was "a powerful instrument in the process of making proselytes to the party.... The influence of names on the mass of mankind, was never more distinctly exhibited, than in the increase of the democratic party in the United States. The popularity of the denomination of the Republican Party, was more than a match for the popularity of Washington's character and services, and contributed to overthrow his administration."
[quoted in John C. Miller, Alexander Hamilton: Portrait in Paradox (1959) p. 320; online edition of Webster p. 332]
The party, which historians later called the Democratic-Republican Party, split into separate factions in the 1820s, one of which became the Democratic Party. After 1832, the Democrats were opposed by another faction that named themselves "Whigs" after the Patriots of the 1770s who started the American Revolution. Both of these parties proclaimed their devotion to republicanism in the era of the Second Party System.
Under the new government after the revolution, "republican motherhood" became an ideal, as exemplified by Abigail Adams
and Mercy Otis Warren. The first duty of the republican woman was to instill republican values in her children, and to avoid luxury and ostentation.
Two generations later, the daughters and granddaughters of these "Republican mothers" appropriated republican values into their lives as they sought independence and equality in the workforce. During the 1830s, thousands of female mill workers went on strike to battle for their right to fair wages and independence, as there had been major pay cuts. Many of these women were daughters of independent land owners and descendants of men who had fought in the Revolutionary War; they identified as "daughters of freemen". In their fight for independence at the mills, women would incorporate rhetoric from the revolution to convey the importance and strength of their purpose to their corporate employers, as well as to other women. If the Revolutionary War was fought to secure independence from Great Britain, then these "daughters of freemen" could fight for the same republican values that (through striking) would give them fair pay and independence, just as the men had.
[Dublin, Strike of 1830]
Jefferson and Albert Gallatin
focused on the danger that the public debt, unless it was paid off, would be a threat to republican values. They were appalled that Hamilton was increasing the national debt and using it to solidify his Federalist base. Gallatin was the Republican Party's chief expert on fiscal issues and as Treasury Secretary under Jefferson and Madison worked hard to lower taxes and lower the debt, while at the same time paying cash for the Louisiana Purchase and funding the War of 1812. Burrows says of Gallatin:
- His own fears of personal dependency and his small-shopkeeper's sense of integrity, both reinforced by a strain of radical republican thought that originated in England a century earlier, convinced him that public debts were a nursery of multiple public evils – corruption, legislative impotence, executive tyranny, social inequality, financial speculation, and personal indolence. Not only was it necessary to extinguish the existing debt as rapidly as possible, he argued, but Congress would have to ensure against the accumulation of future debts by more diligently supervising government expenditures.
[Edwin G. Burrows. "Gallatin, Albert" in American National Biography Online (2000) Accessed Dec 03 2013]
Andrew Jackson believed the national debt was a "national curse" and he took special pride in paying off the entire national debt in 1835.
Politicians ever since have used the issue of a high national debt to denounce the other party for profligacy and a threat to fiscal soundness and the nation's future.
Ellis and Nelson argue that much constitutional thought, from Madison to Lincoln and beyond, has focused on "the problem of majority tyranny." They conclude, "The principles of republican government embedded in the Constitution represent an effort by the framers to ensure that the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness would not be trampled by majorities."
[Richard J. Ellis and Michael Nelson, Debating the presidency (2009) p. 211]
Madison, in particular, worried that a small localized majority might threaten inalienable rights, and in "Federalist #10" he argued that the larger the population of the republic, the more diverse it would be and the less liable to this threat.
[Paul F. Bourke, "The Pluralist Reading of James Madison's Tenth Federalist," Perspectives in American History (1975) 9:271–99]
Jefferson warned that "an elective despotism is not the government we fought for."
[David Tucker, Enlightened republicanism: a study of Jefferson's Notes on the State if Virginia (2008) p. 109]
As late as 1800, the word "democrat" was mostly used to attack an opponent of the Federalist party. Thus, George Washington in 1798 complained, "that you could as soon scrub the blackamoor white, as to change the principles of a profest Democrat; and that he will leave nothing unattempted to overturn the Government of this Country."
[ Transcript.] The Federalist Papers are pervaded by the idea that pure democracy is actually quite dangerous, because it allows a majority to infringe upon the rights of a minority. [Paul S. Boyer, et al. The Enduring Vision (2010) vol. 1 p. 191] Thus, in encouraging the states to participate in a strong centralized government under a new constitution and replace the relatively weak Articles of Confederation, Madison argued in Federalist No. 10 that a special interest may take control of a small area, e.g. a state, but it could not easily take over a large nation. Therefore, the larger the nation, the safer is republicanism. [Recently Martin has argued that Madison showed his commitment to the popular element of popular government in the "Memorial and Remonstrance against Religious Assessments" (1785); Robert W. T. Martin, "James Madison and Popular Government: The Neglected Case of the 'Memorial'" Polity, Apr 2010, Vol. 42 Iss. 2, pp. 185–209]
By 1805, the "Old Republicans" or "Quids", a minority faction among Southern Republicans, led by Johan Randolph, John Taylor of Caroline and Nathaniel Macon, opposed Jefferson and Madison on the grounds that they had abandoned the true republican commitment to a weak central government.
[Garrett Ward Sheldon and C. William Hill Jr., The Liberal Republicanism of John Taylor of Caroline (2008)]
Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story
(1779–1845), made the protection of property rights by the courts a major component of American republicanism. A precocious legal scholar, Story was appointed to the Court by James Madison in 1811. He and Chief Justice John Marshall
made the Court a bastion of nationalism (along the lines of Marshall's Federalist Party
) and a protector of the rights of property against runaway democracy. Story opposed Jacksonian democracy because it was inclined to repudiate lawful debts and was too often guilty of what he called "oppression" of property rights by republican governments.
[David Brion Davis, Antebellum American culture (1997) pp. 14–15]
Story held that, "the right of the citizens to the free enjoyment of their property legally acquired" was "a great and fundamental principle of a republican government."
[Kermit L. Hall and Kevin T. McGuire, eds. Institutions of American Democracy: The Judicial Branch (2005) p. 404]
Newmyer (1985) presents Story as a "Statesman of the Old Republic" who tried to rise above democratic politics and to shape the law in accordance with the republicanism of Story's heroes, Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall
, as well as the New England Whigs of the 1820s and 1830s, such as Daniel Webster
[R. Kent Newmyer, Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story: Statesman of the Old Republic (1985)]
Historians agree that Justice Story – as much or more than Marshall or anyone else – did indeed reshape American law in a conservative direction that protected property rights.
[Stephen B. Presser, "Resurrecting the Conservative Tradition in American Legal History," Reviews in American History, Vol. 13#4 (Dec. 1985), pp. 526–33 in JSTOR]
Civic virtue required men to put civic goals ahead of their personal desires, and to volunteer to fight for their country. Military service thus was an integral duty of the citizen. As John Randolph of Roanoke put it, "When citizen and soldier shall be synonymous terms, then you will be safe."
[Randolph quoted in Banning (1978) p. 262. See Lawrence D. Cress, "Republican Liberty and National Security: American Military Policy as an Ideological Problem, 1783 to 1789." William and Mary Quarterly (1981) 38(1): 73–96. Fulltext at Jstor]
Scott (1984) notes that in both the American and French revolutions, distrust of foreign mercenaries led to the concept of a national, citizen army, and the definition of military service was changed from a choice of careers to a civic duty.
[Samuel F. Scott, "Foreign Mercenaries, Revolutionary War, and Citizen-soldiers in the Late Eighteenth Century." War & Society 1984 2(2): 41–58. ]
Herrera (2001) explains that an appreciation of self-governance is essential to any understanding of the American military character before the Civil War. Military service was considered an important demonstration of patriotism and an essential component of citizenship. To soldiers, military service was a voluntary, negotiated, and temporary abeyance of self-governance by which they signaled their responsibility as citizens. In practice self-governance in military affairs came to include personal independence, enlistment negotiations, petitions to superior officials, militia constitutions, and negotiations regarding discipline. Together these affected all aspects of military order, discipline, and life.
[Ricardo A. Herrera, "Self-governance and the American Citizen as Soldier, 1775–1861." Journal of Military History 2001 65#1 pp. 21–52. online] [Ricardo A. Herrera, For Liberty and the Republic: The American Citizen as Soldier, 1775–1861 (New York University Press, 2015) online review]
Role of the South
Historian Frank Lawrence Owsley in Plain Folk of the Old South
(1949) depicted antebellum Southern society as a numerically dominate by a broad class of yeoman farmers who stood and worked between the slaves and poor whites at one end and the large planters at the opposite end of the economic spectrum. He complained that most scholars until then misconstrued the social structure by portraying a South controlled by rich plantation owners surrounded by lazy, inconsequential poor whites. Owsley asserted that the real South was liberal, American, and Jeffersonian, not radical or reactionary. It reflected the best of republican principles (Owsley did not use the word "republicanism" but his followers did)
[Bruce Clayton, ed. The Mind of the South: Fifty Years Later (1992) pp. 70–71]
Agrarianism in the 20th century was a response to the industrialism and modernism that had infiltrated the South. According to Owsley, the position of the South vis-à-vis the North was created not by slavery, cotton, or states' rights, but by the two regions' misunderstanding of each other.
J. Mills Thornton argues that in the antebellum South the drive to preserve republican values was the most powerful force, and led Southerners to interpret Northern policies as a threat to their republican values.
[Thornton, Politics and Power in a Slave Society: Alabama, 1800–1860 (1981)]
In reaction to the Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854, antislavery forces in the North formed a new party. The party officially designated itself "Republican" because the name resonated with the struggle of 1776. "In view of the necessity of battling for the first principles of republican government," resolved the Michigan state convention, "and against the schemes of aristocracy the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth was ever cursed, or man debased, we will co-operate and be known as Republicans."
[McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom (1988) quote p. 126] [Lewis L. Gould, Grand Old Party (2003) p. 14]
After the war, the Republicans believed that an important aspect of securing citizenship for freedmen was to give them the franchise; that the true political education was to be gained in exercising the right to vote and organizing for political purposes. At the time, only men were allowed to vote. Constitutional amendments were passed granting citizenship to freedmen and the franchise to men.
A central theme of the progressive era was fear of corruption, one of the core ideas of republicanism since the 1770s. The Progressives restructured the political system to combat entrenched interests (for example, through the direct election of Senators), to ban influences such as alcohol that were viewed as corrupting, and to extend the vote to women, who were seen as being morally pure and less corruptible.
[Richard Jensen, "Democracy, Republicanism and Efficiency: The Values of American Politics, 1885–1930," in Byron Shafer and Anthony Badger, eds, Contesting Democracy: Substance and Structure in American Political History, 1775–2000 (U of Kansas Press, 2001) pp. 149–80. online version]
Questions of performing civic duty were brought up in presidential campaigns and World War I. In the presidential election of 1888, Republicans emphasized that the Democratic candidate Grover Cleveland had purchased a substitute to fight for him in the Civil War, while his opponent General Benjamin Harrison had fought in numerous battles.
[Alyn Brodsky, Grover Cleveland: a study in character (2000) p. 96] In 1917, a great debate took place over Woodrow Wilson's proposal to draft men into the U.S. Army after war broke out in Europe. Many said it violated the republican notion of freely given civic duty to force people to serve. [John Whiteclay II Chambers, To Raise An Army: The Draft Comes to Modern America (1987)] In the end, Wilson was successful and the Selective Service Act of 1917 was passed.
The term republic
does not appear in the Declaration of Independence, but does appear in Article IV of the Constitution which "guarantees to every State in this Union a Republican form of Government." What exactly the writers of the constitution felt this should mean is uncertain. The SCOTUS
, in Luther v. Borden
(1849), declared that the definition of republic
was a "political question" in which it would not intervene. During Reconstruction the Constitutional clause was the legal foundation for the extensive Congressional control over the eleven former Confederate states; there was no such oversight over the border slave states that had remained in the Union.
In two later cases, it did establish a basic definition. In United States v. Cruikshank (1875), the court ruled that the "equal rights of citizens" were inherent to the idea of republic. The opinion of the court from In re Duncan (1891)
[139 U.S. 449, (1891)] held that the "right of the people to choose their government" is also part of the definition. It is also generally assumed that the clause prevents any state from being a monarchy – or a dictatorship. Due to the 1875 and 1891 court decisions establishing basic definition, in the first version (1892) of the Pledge of Allegiance, which included the word republic, and like Article IV which refers to a Republican form of government, the basic definition of republic is implied and continues to do so in all subsequent versions, including the present edition, by virtue of its consistent inclusion.
In March 1861 in his famous First Inaugural Address, Abraham Lincoln denounced secession as anarchy and explained that majority rule had to be balanced by constitutional restraints in the American system:
- "A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people."
[Herman Belz, Abraham Lincoln, Constitutionalism, and Equal Rights in the Civil War Era (1998) p. 86]
Over time, the pejorative connotations of "democracy" faded. By the 1830s, democracy was seen as an unmitigated positive and the term "Democratic" was assumed by the Democratic Party and the term "Democrat" was adopted by its members.
[William Safire, Safire's Political Dictionary (2008) pp. 175–76] A common term for the party in the 19th century was "The Democracy." [Yonatan Eyal, The Young America Movement and the Transformation of the Democratic Party, 1828–1861 (2007) p. 27] In debates on Reconstruction, Radical Republicans, such as Senator Charles Sumner, argued that the republican "guarantee clause" in Article IV supported the introduction by force of law of democratic suffrage in the defeated South. [Charles O. Lerche, Jr., "Congressional Interpretations of the Guarantee of a Republican Form of Government during Reconstruction," Journal of Southern History (1949), 15: 192–211 in JSTOR]
After 1800 the limitations on democracy were systematically removed; property qualifications for state voters were largely eliminated in the 1820s.
["Suffrage" in Paul S. Boyer and Melvyn Dubofsky, The Oxford Companion to United States history (2001) p. 754] The initiative, referendum, recall, and other devices of direct democracy became widely accepted at the state and local level in the 1910s; and senators were made directly electable by the people in 1913. The last restrictions on black voting were made illegal in 1965.
Corruption in the United States
First Party System
Second Party System
Third Party System
Joyce Appleby. Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination (1992)
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Joyce Appleby. "Republicanism in Old and New Contexts," in William & Mary Quarterly, 43 (January, 1986), pp. 3–34 in JSTOR
Joyce Appleby, ed. "Republicanism in the History and Historiography of the United States," special issue of American Quarterly, Vol. 37, No. 4, (1985) with these articles: here
Joyce Appleby, "Republicanism and Ideology," pp. 461–73 in JSTOR
Linda K. Kerber, "The Republican Ideology of the Revolutionary Generation," pp. 474–95 in JSTOR
Cathy Matson and Peter Onuf, "Toward a Republican Empire: Interest and Ideology in Revolutionary America," pp. 496–531 in JSTOR
Jean Baker, "From Belief into Culture: Republicanism in the Antebellum North," pp. 532–50 in JSTOR
James Oakes. "From Republicanism to Liberalism: Ideological Change and the Crisis of the Old South," pp. 551–71 in JSTOR
John Patrick Diggins, "Republicanism and Progressivism," pp. 572–98 in JSTOR
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Bailyn, Bernard. The Origins of American Politics (1966)
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