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The North American Free Trade Agreement ( NAFTA; Spanish: Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte, TLCAN; French: Accord de libre-échange nord-américain, ALÉNA) is an agreement signed by , , and the , creating a trilateral in . The agreement came into force on January 1, 1994." Free Trade Agreements". Office of the United States Trade Representative. Retrieved 2016-08-23. It superseded the Canada–United States Free Trade Agreement between the U.S. and Canada.

NAFTA has two supplements: the North American Agreement on Environmental Cooperation (NAAEC) and the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation (NAALC).

Most economic analyses indicate that NAFTA has been beneficial to the North American economies and the average citizen, but harmed a small minority of workers in industries exposed to trade competition. Economists hold that withdrawing from NAFTA or renegotiating NAFTA in a way that reestablishes will adversely affect the U.S. economy and cost jobs. Https://< /ref>

Negotiation, ratification, and revision

The impetus for a North American free trade zone began with U.S. President , who made the idea part of his campaign when he announced his candidacy for the presidency in November 1979. Canada and the United States signed the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in 1988, and shortly afterward Mexican President Carlos Salinas de Gortari decided to approach US president George H.W. Bush to propose a similar agreement in an effort to bring in foreign investment following the Latin American debt crisis. As the two leaders began negotiating, the Canadian government under Prime Minister feared that the advantages Canada had gained through the Canada-US FTA would be undermined by a US-Mexican bilateral agreement, and asked to become a party to the US-Mexican talks.Foreign Affairs and International trade Canada: Canada and the World: A History - 1984–1993: "Leap of Faith Following diplomatic negotiations dating back to 1990 among the three nations, the three leaders signed the agreement in their respective capitals on December 17, 1992.

(1994). 9780379008357, Oceana Publications.
The signed agreement then needed to be by each nation's legislative or parliamentary branch.

The earlier Canada–United States Free Trade Agreement had been controversial and divisive in Canada, and featured as an issue in the 1988 Canadian election. In that election, more Canadians voted for anti-free trade parties (the Liberals and the New Democrats) but the split of the votes between the two parties meant that the pro-free trade Progressive Conservatives (PCs) came out of the election with the most seats and so took power. Mulroney and the PCs had a parliamentary majority easily passed the 1987 Canada-U.S. FTA and NAFTA bills. However, Mulroney was replaced as Conservative leader and prime minister by . Campbell led the PC party into the 1993 election where they were decimated by the Liberal Party under Jean Chrétien, who campaigned on a promise to renegotiate or abrogate NAFTA. Chrétien subsequently negotiated two supplemental agreements with Bush, who had subverted the LACLabor Advisory Committee for Trade Negotiations and Trade Policy; established under the Trade Act of 1974. advisory process Preliminary Report of the Labor Advisory Committee for Trade Negotiations and Trade Policy on the North American Free Trade Agreement, dated Sept. 16, 1992 (Washington, D.C.: Executive Office of the President, Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 1992), i, 1. and worked to "fast track" the signing prior to the end of his term, ran out of time and had to pass the required ratification and signing of the implementation law to incoming president .For an overview of the process, see , “‘Mandate for Change,’ or Business as Usual”, Z Magazine 6, no. 2 (February 1993), 41.

Before sending it to the United States Senate Clinton added two side agreements, the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation (NAALC) and the North American Agreement on Environmental Cooperation (NAAEC), to protect workers and the environment, and also allay the concerns of many House members. They also required U.S. partners to adhere to environmental practices and regulations similar to its own. After much consideration and emotional discussion, the US House of Representatives passed the North American Free Trade Agreement Implementation Act on November 17, 1993, 234–200. The agreement's supporters included 132 Republicans and 102 Democrats. The bill passed the Senate on November 20, 1993, 61–38. Senate supporters were 34 Republicans and 27 Democrats. Clinton signed it into law on December 8, 1993; the agreement went into effect on January 1, 1994. Clinton, while signing the NAFTA bill, stated that "NAFTA means jobs. American jobs, and good-paying American jobs. If I didn't believe that, I wouldn't support this agreement." NAFTA then replaced the previous Canada-US FTA.

The goal of NAFTA was to eliminate barriers to trade and investment between the U.S., Canada and Mexico. The implementation of NAFTA on January 1, 1994 brought the immediate elimination of on more than one-half of Mexico's to the U.S. and more than one-third of U.S. exports to Mexico. Within 10 years of the implementation of the agreement, all U.S.-Mexico tariffs were to be eliminated except for some U.S. agricultural exports to Mexico to be phased out within 15 years.Floudas, Demetrius Andreas & Rojas, Luis Fernando; "Some Thoughts on NAFTA and Trade Integration in the American Continent", 52 (2000) International Problems 371 Most U.S.-Canada trade was already duty-free. NAFTA also sought to eliminate non- trade barriers and to protect the intellectual property rights on traded products.

Chapter 52 provides a procedure for the international resolution of disputes over the application and interpretation of NAFTA. It was modeled after Chapter 69 of the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement. The roster of NAFTA adjudicators includes many retired judges, such as , John Maxwell Evans, , , Arlin M. Adams, Susan Getzendanner, George C. Pratt, Charles B. Renfrew and Sandra Day O'Connor.

Intellectual property
The North American Free Trade Agreement Implementation Act made some changes to the copyright law of the United States, foreshadowing the Uruguay Round Agreements Act of 1994 by restoring (within the NAFTA nations) on certain motion pictures which had entered the .GPO, P.L. 103-182, Section 334 ML-497 (March 1995), Docket No. RM 93-13C, Library of Congress Copyright Office

U.S. congressional approval for NAFTA would have been impossible without addressing public concerns about NAFTA’s environmental impact. The Clinton administration negotiated a side agreement on the environment with Canada and Mexico, the North American Agreement on Environmental Cooperation (NAAEC), which led to the creation of the Commission for Environmental Cooperation (CEC) in 1994. To alleviate concerns that NAFTA, the first regional trade agreement between a developing country and two developed countries, would have negative environmental impacts, the commission was mandated to conduct ongoing environmental assessment, It created one of the first ex post frameworks for environmental assessment of trade liberalization, designed to produce a body of evidence with respect to the initial about NAFTA and the environment, such as the concern that NAFTA would create a "race to the bottom" in environmental regulation among the three countries, or that NAFTA would pressure governments to increase their environmental protections. Analytic Framework for Assessing the Environmental Effects of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Commission for Environmental Cooperation (1999) The CEC has held four symposia to evaluate the environmental impacts of NAFTA and commissioned 47 papers on the subject from leading independent experts.

From the earliest negotiation, was (and still is) a controversial topic within NAFTA, as it has been with almost all free trade agreements signed within the WTO framework. Agriculture is the only section that was not negotiated trilaterally; instead, three separate agreements were signed between each pair of parties. The Canada–U.S. agreement contains significant restrictions and quotas on agricultural products (mainly sugar, dairy, and poultry products), whereas the Mexico–U.S. pact allows for a wider within a framework of phase-out periods (it was the first North–South FTA on agriculture to be signed).

Transportation infrastructure
NAFTA established the for road transport between Canada and Mexico, also proposed for use by rail, pipeline, and telecommunications infrastructure. This became a High Priority Corridor under the U.S. Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act of 1991.


In the year 2008 alone, Canadian to the United States and Mexico were at $381.3 billion, with at $245.1 billion.. According to University of Toronto economist , NAFTA produced a significant net benefit to Canada, with long-term increasing by up to 15 percent in industries that experienced the deepest cuts. While the contraction of low-productivity plants reduced (up to 12 percent of existing positions), these job losses lasted less than a decade; overall, unemployment in Canada has fallen since the passage of the act. Commenting on this , Trefler said that the critical question in is to understand "how freer trade can be implemented in an industrialized economy in a way that recognizes both the long-run gains and the short-term adjustment costs borne by workers and others." Another of NAFTA's biggest economic effects on U.S.-Canada trade has been higher bilateral agricultural flows.

A study in 2007 found that NAFTA had "a substantial impact on international trade volumes, but a modest effect on prices and welfare". A 2015 study that focused on the impact of NAFTA's tariff reductions found that while trade increased by 41% for the U.S. and 118% for Mexico, it increased by a modest 11% for Canada. Moreover, U.S. and Mexico benefited more from the tariff reductions component, with welfare increases of 0.08% and 1.31%, respectively, with Canada experiencing a decrease of 0.06%.

(Mexican assembly plants that take in imported components and produce for export) have become the landmark of trade in Mexico. They moved to Mexico from the United States, hence the debate over the loss of American jobs. Income in the maquiladora sector has increased 15.5% since the implementation of NAFTA in 1994. Other sectors now benefit from the free trade agreement, and the share of to the US from non-border states has increased in the last five years while the share of exports from border states has decreased. This has allowed rapid growth in non-border metropolitan areas such as , León and Puebla; all larger in population than , Ciudad Juárez, and .

The overall effect of the Mexico–U.S. agricultural agreement is disputed. Mexico did not invest in the necessary for competition, such as efficient railroads and highways.This resulted in more difficult living conditions for the country's poor. Mexico's agricultural exports increased 9.4 percent annually between 1994 and 2001, while imports increased by only 6.9 percent a year during the same period. Greening the Americas, Carolyn L. Deere (editor). MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts

One of the most affected agricultural sectors is the . Mexico went from a small player in the pre-1994 U.S. export market to the second largest importer of U.S. agricultural products in 2004, and NAFTA may be a major catalyst for this change. Free trade removed the hurdles that impeded business between the two countries, so Mexico has provided a growing market for meat for the U.S., and increased sales and profits for the U.S. meat industry. A coinciding noticeable increase in the Mexican per capita GDP greatly changed meat consumption patterns; per capita meat consumption has grown.

Production of in Mexico has increased since NAFTA. But internal for corn has increased beyond Mexico's supply, and imports have become needed, far beyond the quotas Mexico originally negotiated.  p. 4 Zahniser & Coyle also point out that corn prices in Mexico, adjusted for international prices, have drastically decreased, but through a program of expanded by former president , production has remained stable since 2000.Steven S. Zahniser & William T. Coyle, U.S.-Mexico Corn Trade During the NAFTA Era: New Twists to an Old Story Https://< /ref>

A 2001 Journal of Economic Perspectives review of the existing literature found that NAFTA was a net benefit to Mexico. By the year 2003, 80% of the commerce in Mexico was executed only with the U.S. The commercial sales surplus, combined with the deficit with the rest of the world, created a dependency in Mexico's exports. These effects were evident in 2001–2003; the result of that was either a low rate or a negative rate in Mexico's exports.Ruiz Nápoles, Pablo. "El TLCAN y el balance comercial en México". Economía Informa. UNAM. 2003

A 2015 study found that Mexico's welfare increased by 1.31% as a result of the NAFTA tariff reductions, and that Mexico's intra-bloc trade increased by 118%. Inequality and fell in the most -affected regions of Mexico. 2013 and 2015 studies show that Mexican small farmers benefitted more from NAFTA than large-scale farmers.

NAFTA has also been credited with the rise of the Mexican . A study found that NAFTA lowered the average cost of basic necessities in Mexico by up to 50%. This price reduction increased cash-on-hand for many Mexican families, allowing Mexico to graduate more engineers than Germany each year.

Growth in new sales orders indicates an increase in demand for manufactured products, which resulted in expansion of production and a higher to satisfy the increment in the demand. The growth in the maquiladora industry and in the manufacturing industry was of 4.7% in August 2016."Economic Report of the exportations in the manufacturer industry" Consejo Nacional de Industria Maquiladora Manufacturera A.C. 2016 Three quarters of the imports and exports comes are with the U.S.

political scientist Daniel W. Drezner has argued that NAFTA made it easier for Mexico to transform to a real democracy and become a country that views itself as North American. This has boosted cooperation between the United States and Mexico.

United States
Economists consider that NAFTA was beneficial for the United States. In a 2012 survey of leading economists, 95% said that on average U.S. citizens benefited from NAFTA. A 2001 Journal of Economic Perspectives review found that NAFTA was a net benefit to the United States. A 2015 study found that US welfare increased by 0.08% as a result of NAFTA tariff reductions, and that US intra-bloc trade increased by 41%.

In 2015, the Congressional Research Service concluded that the "net overall effect of NAFTA on the U.S. economy appears to have been relatively modest, primarily because trade with Canada and Mexico accounts for a small percentage of U.S. . However, there were worker and firm adjustment costs as the three countries adjusted to more open trade and investment among their economies." The report also estimated that NAFTA added $80 billion to the US economy since its implementation, equivalent to a 0.5% increase in US GDP.

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce credits NAFTA with increasing U.S. trade in goods and services with Canada and Mexico from $337 billion in 1993 to $1.2 trillion in 2011, while the blames the agreement for sending 700,000 American manufacturing jobs to Mexico over that time.

University of California, San Diego economics professor has said that NAFTA helped the U.S. compete against China and therefore saved U.S. jobs. While some jobs were lost to Mexico as a result of NAFTA, considerably more would have been lost to China if not for NAFTA.

Trade balances
The U.S. had a with NAFTA countries of $28.3 billion for services in 2009 and a of $94.6 billion (36.4% annual increase) for goods in 2010. This trade deficit accounted for 26.8 percent of all U.S. goods trade deficit.

A study published in the August 2008 issue of the American Journal of Agricultural Economics, found NAFTA increased U.S. agricultural exports to Mexico and Canada, even though most of the increase occurred a decade after its ratification. The study focused on the effects that gradual "phase-in" periods in regional trade agreements, including NAFTA, have on . Most of the increase in members’ agricultural trade, which was only recently brought under the purview of the World Trade Organization, was due to very high trade barriers before NAFTA or other regional trade agreements. Newswise: Free Trade Agreement Helped U.S. Farmers Retrieved on June 12, 2008.

The U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI) in NAFTA countries (stock) was $327.5 billion in 2009 (latest data available), up 8.8% from 2008. The U.S. direct investment in NAFTA countries is in nonbank holding companies, and in the manufacturing, /, and sectors. The foreign direct investment of Canada and Mexico in the United States (stock) was $237.2 billion in 2009 (the latest data available), up 16.5% from 2008.

Many American small businesses depend on exporting their products to Canada or Mexico under NAFTA. According to the U.S. Trade Representative, this trade supports over 140,000 small- and medium-sized businesses in the US.

According to the Economic Policy Institute, , , and other states with high concentrations of manufacturing jobs were most affected by job loss due to NAFTA. EPI economist Robert Scott estimates some 682,900 U.S. jobs have been "lost or displaced" as a result of the trade agreement. U.S. Economy Lost Nearly 700,000 Jobs Because Of NAFTA, EPI Says. The Huffington Post. July 12, 2011. However, other studies have found that NAFTA only had a modest impact on manufacturing employment, and that explains 87% of the losses in manufacturing jobs.

According to University of California Berkeley professor of economics Brad DeLong, NAFTA had an insignificant impact on US manufacturing. The adverse impact on manufacturing has been very exaggerated in US political discourse according to DeLong, Harvard economist agrees.

According to a study in the Journal of International Economics, NAFTA reduced pollution emitted by the US manufacturing sector: "On average, nearly two-thirds of the reductions in PM10 and SO2 emissions from the U.S. manufacturing sector between 1994 and 1998 can be attributed to trade liberalization following NAFTA."

According to the , NAFTA contributed to large-scale, export-oriented , which led to the increased use of , and . NAFTA also contributed to environmentally destructive mining practices in Mexico. It prevented Canada from effectively regulating its industry, and created new legal avenues for transnational corporations to fight environmental legislation. In some cases, environmental policy was neglected in the wake of trade liberalization; in other cases, NAFTA's measures for investment protection, such as Chapter 11, and measures against non-tariff trade barriers threatened to discourage more vigorous environmental policy. The most serious overall increases in due to NAFTA were found in the sector, the Mexican sector, and the transportation equipment sector in the United States and Mexico, but not in Canada.Kenneth A. Reinert and David W. Roland-Holst The Industrial Pollution Impacts of NAFTA: Some Preliminary Results. Commission for Environmental Cooperation (November 2000)

Mobility of persons
According to the Department of Homeland Security Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, during fiscal year 2006 (i.e., October 2005 through September 2006), 73,880 foreign professionals (64,633 Canadians and 9,247 Mexicans) were admitted into the United States for temporary employment under NAFTA (i.e., in the ). Additionally, 17,321 of their family members (13,136 Canadians, 2,904 Mexicans, as well as a number of third-country nationals married to Canadians and Mexicans) entered the U.S. in the treaty national's dependent (TD) status. DHS Yearbook 2006. Supplemental Table 1: Nonimmigrant Admissions (I-94 Only) by Class of Admission and Country of Citizenship: Fiscal Year 2006 Because DHS counts the number of the new I-94 arrival records filled at the border, and the TN-1 admission is valid for three years, the number of non-immigrants in TN status present in the U.S. at the end of the fiscal year is approximately equal to the number of admissions during the year. (A discrepancy may be caused by some TN entrants leaving the country or changing status before their three-year admission period has expired, while other immigrants admitted earlier may change their status to TN or TD, or extend TN status granted earlier).

According to the International Organization for Migration, deaths of migrants have been on the rise worldwide with 5,604 deaths in 2016.Jones, Reese. Borders & Walls: Do Barriers Deter Unauthorized Migration. Migration Policy Institute. web page [15] October 5, 2016. An increased number of undocumented farmworkers in California may be due to the initial passing of NAFTA

Canadian authorities estimated that on December 1, 2006, 24,830 U.S. citizens and 15,219 Mexican citizens were in Canada as "foreign workers". These numbers include both entrants under NAFTA and those who entered under other provisions of Canadian immigration law. Facts and Figures 2006 Immigration Overview: Temporary Residents (Citizenship and Immigration Canada) New entries of foreign workers in 2006 totalled 16,841 U.S. citizens and 13,933 Mexicans.

Disputes and controversies

1992 U.S. presidential candidate Ross Perot
In the second 1992 presidential debate, Ross Perot argued:
We have got to stop sending jobs overseas. It's pretty simple: If you're paying $12, $13, $14 an hour for factory workers and you can move your factory south of the border, pay a dollar an hour for labor,...have no health care—that's the most expensive single element in making a car—have no environmental controls, no pollution controls and no retirement, and you don't care about anything but making money, there will be a giant sucking sound going south.
    ...when Mexico's jobs come up from a dollar an hour to six dollars an hour, and ours go down to six dollars an hour, and then it's leveled again. But in the meantime, you've wrecked the country with these kinds of deals.
Perot ultimately lost the election, and the winner, , supported NAFTA, which went into effect on January 1, 1994.

Legal disputes
In 1996, the gasoline additive MMT was brought to Canada by Ethyl Corporation, an American company when the Canadian federal government banned imports of the additive. The American company brought a claim under NAFTA Chapter 11 seeking US$201 million, , 'Ethyl Corporation vs. Government of Canada' from the Canadian federal government as well as the Canadian provinces under the Agreement on Internal Trade (AIT). They argued that the additive had not been conclusively linked to any health dangers, and that the prohibition was damaging to their company. Following a finding that the ban was a violation of the AIT,  the Canadian federal government repealed the ban and settled with the American company for US$13 million. Studies by Health and Welfare Canada (now ) on the health effects of MMT in fuel found no significant health effects associated with exposure to these exhaust emissions. Other Canadian researchers and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency disagreed citing studies that suggested possible nerve damage.

The United States and Canada have argued for years over the United States' 27% on Canadian imports. Canada filed many motions to have the duty eliminated and the collected duties returned to Canada. softwood Lumber After the United States lost an before a NAFTA panel, it responded by saying "We are, of course, disappointed with the NAFTA decision, but it will have no impact on the anti-dumping and countervailing duty orders." (Nick Lifton, spokesman for U.S. Trade Representative Rob Portman) Statement from USTR Spokesperson Neena Moorjani Regarding the NAFTA Extraordinary Challenge Committee decision in Softwood Lumber On July 21, 2006, the United States Court of International Trade found that imposition of the duties was contrary to U.S. law.  Statement by USTR Spokesman Stephen Norton Regarding CIT Lumber Ruling

Change in income trust taxation not expropriation
On October 30, 2007, American citizens Marvin and Elaine Gottlieb filed a Notice of Intent to Submit a Claim to Arbitration under NAFTA, claiming thousands of U.S. investors lost a total of $5 billion in the fall-out from the Conservative Government's decision the previous year to change the on in the . On April 29, 2009, a determination was made that this change in was not .

Impact on Mexican farmers
Several studies have rejected NAFTA responsibility for depressing the incomes of poor corn farmers. The trend existed more than a decade before NAFTA existed. Also, maize production increased after 1994, and there wasn't a measurable impact on the price of Mexican corn because of subsidized corn from the United States. The studies agreed that the abolition of U.S. agricultural subsidies would benefit Mexican farmers.

Zapatista Uprising in response to NAFTA in Chiapas, Mexico
Preparations for NAFTA included cancellation of Article 27 of Mexico's constitution, the cornerstone of 's revolution in 1910–1919. Under the historic Article 27, Indian communal landholdings were protected from sale or . However, this barrier to was incompatible with NAFTA. Indian farmers feared the loss of their remaining lands, and also feared cheap imports (substitutes) from the US. The Zapatistas labelled NAFTA a "death sentence" to Indian communities all over Mexico. Then EZLN declared war on the Mexican state on January 1, 1994, the day NAFTA came into force.Subcomandante Marcos, Ziga Voa! 10 Years of the Zapatista Uprising. AK Press 2004

Chapter 11
Another contentious issue is the investor state dispute settlement obligations contained in Chapter 11 of NAFTA. Chapter 11 allows or individuals to sue Mexico, Canada or the United States for compensation when actions taken by those governments (or by those for whom they are responsible at international law, such as provincial, state, or municipal governments) violate international law.

This chapter has been criticized by groups in the U.S., Mexico, and Canada for a variety of reasons, including not taking into account important social and environmental considerations. In Canada, several groups, including the Council of Canadians, challenged the of Chapter 11. They lost at the trial level and have subsequently appealed.

Methanex Corporation, a Canadian corporation, filed a US$970 million suit against the United States because, it said, a ban on Methyl tert-butyl ether (MTBE), a substance that had found its way into many wells in the state, was hurtful to the corporation's sales of . The claim was rejected, and the company was ordered to pay US$3 million to the U.S. government in costs, based on the following reasoning: "But as a matter of general international law, a non-discriminatory for a , which is enacted in accordance with and, which affects, , a foreign investor or investment is not deemed expropriatory and unless specific commitments had been given by the regulating government to the then putative foreign investor contemplating investment that the government would refrain from such regulation." 

In another case, , an American corporation, was awarded US$15.6 million from Mexico after a Mexican municipality refused a construction permit for the landfill it intended to construct in Guadalcázar, San Luis Potosí. The construction had already been approved by the federal government with various environmental requirements imposed (see paragraph 48 of the tribunal decision). The NAFTA panel found that the municipality did not have the authority to ban construction on the basis of its environmental concerns. 

In and Company v. Government of Canada the plaintiff presented a US$500 million claim for the way Canada requires usefulness in its drug legislation. is sued the U.S. for US$520 million because of opportunity it says it lost in an decision.

Lone Pine Resources Inc. v. Government of Canada filed a US$250 million claim against Canada, accusing it of "arbitrary, capricious and illegal" behaviour, because Quebec intends to prevent exploration under the St. Lawrence Seaway. Milos Barutciski, the lawyer for Lone Pine, has decried portrayals of his client as "another rapacious multinational challenging governments’ ability to regulate for health, safety and the environment".

Lone Pine Resources is incorporated in Delaware but headquartered in Calgary, and had an initial public offering on the May 25, 2011 of 15 million shares each for $13, which raised US$195 million.

Barutciski acknowledged "that NAFTA and other investor-protection treaties create an anomaly in that Canadian companies that have also seen their permits rescinded by the very same Quebec legislation, which expressly forbids the paying of compensation, do not have the right (to) pursue a NAFTA claim," and that winning "compensation in Canadian courts for domestic companies in this case would be more difficult since the Constitution puts in provincial hands."

A treaty with China would extend similar rights to Chinese investors, including SOEs.

Chapter 19
Also contentious is NAFTA's Chapter 19, which subjects and countervailing duty (AD/CVD) determinations to binational panel review instead of, or in addition to, conventional judicial review. For example, in the United States, review of agency decisions imposing antidumping and countervailing duties are normally heard before the U.S. Court of International Trade, an Article III court. NAFTA parties, however, have the option of appealing the decisions to binational panels composed of five citizens from the two relevant NAFTA countries. The panelists are generally lawyers experienced in international trade law. Since NAFTA does not include substantive provisions concerning AD/CVD, the panel is charged with determining whether final agency determinations involving AD/CVD conform with the country's domestic law. Chapter 19 is an anomaly in international dispute settlement since it does not apply international law, but requires a panel composed of individuals from many countries to re-examine the application of one country's domestic law.

A Chapter 19 panel is expected to examine whether the agency's determination is supported by "substantial evidence". This standard assumes significant deference to the domestic agency. Some of the most controversial trade disputes in recent years, such as the U.S.–Canada softwood lumber dispute, have been litigated before Chapter 19 panels.

Decisions by Chapter 19 panels can be challenged before a NAFTA extraordinary challenge committee. However, an extraordinary challenge committee does not function as an ordinary appeal. Under NAFTA, it will only vacate or remand a decision if the decision involves a significant and material error that threatens the integrity of the NAFTA dispute settlement system. Since January 2006, no NAFTA party has successfully challenged a Chapter 19 panel's decision before an extraordinary challenge committee.

Criticism from 2016 U.S. presidential candidates
In a 60 Minutes interview in September 2015, American 2016 presidential candidate called NAFTA calling it "the single worst trade deal ever approved in the", and said that if elected, he would "either renegotiate it, or we will break it".Jill Colvin, Trump: NAFTA trade deal a 'disaster,' says he'd 'break' it, Associated Press (September 25, 2015).Mark Thoma, Is Donald Trump right to call NAFTA a "disaster"?, CBS News (October 5, 2015). president of the trade group Consejo Coordinador Empresarial, expressed concern about renegotiation and the willingness to focus on the car industry. A range of trade experts have said that pulling out of NAFTA would have a range of unintended consequences for the U.S., including reduced access to the its biggest markets, a reduction in , and higher for gasoline, cars, fruits, and vegetables.Eric Martin, Trump Killing NAFTA Could Mean Big Unintended Consequences for the U.S., Bloomberg Business (October 1, 2015). Members of the private initiative in Mexico noted that to eliminate NAFTA, many laws must be adapted by the U.S. Congress. The move would also eventually result in legal complaints by the World Trade Organization. The Washington Post noted that a Congressional Research Service review of academic literature concluded that the "net overall effect of NAFTA on the U.S. economy appears to have been relatively modest, primarily because with Canada and Mexico accounts for a small percentage of U.S. ".

Democratic candidate opposed the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement, which he called "a continuation of other disastrous , like NAFTA, CAFTA, and permanent normal trade relations with China". He believes that free trade agreements have caused a loss of American jobs and depressed American wages. Sanders has said that America needs to rebuild its base using American factories for well-paying jobs for American labor rather than to China and elsewhere.

(transcript of interview with Judy Woodruff)

Will Cabaniss for Punditfact. September 2, 2015 How Bernie Sanders, Hillary Clinton differ on the Trans-Pacific Partnership

Policy of the Trump administration

Shortly after his election, U.S. President said he would begin renegotiating the terms of NAFTA, to resolve trade issues he had campaigned on. The leaders of Canada and Mexico have indicated their willingness to work with the Trump administration. Although vague on the exact terms he seeks in a renegotiated NAFTA, Trump threatened to withdraw from it if negotiations fail.

In July 2017, the Trump administration provided a detailed list of changes that it would like to see to NAFTA. The top priority was a reduction in the United States' trade deficit. The administration also called for the elimination of provisions that allowed Canada and Mexico to appeal duties imposed by the United States and limited the ability of the United States to impose import restrictions on Canada and Mexico. The list also alleged subsidized state-owned enterprises and currency manipulation.

According to Chad Bown of the Peterson Institute for International Economics, the Trump administration's list "is very consistent with the president's stance on liking trade barriers, liking protectionism. This makes NAFTA in many respects less of a free-trade agreement." The concerns expressed by the US Trade Representative over subsidized state-owned enterprises and currency manipulation are not thought to apply to Canada and Mexico, but rather to be designed to send a message to countries beyond North America. Jeffrey Schott of the Peterson Institute for International Economics noted that it would not be possible to conclude renegotiations quickly while also addressing all the concerns on the list. He also said that it would be difficult to do anything about trade deficits.

An October 2017 in 's Globe and Mail questioned whether the United States wanted to re-negotiate the agreement or planned to walk away from it no matter what, noting that newly appointed American ambassador Kelly Knight Craft is married to the owner of , a big US coal operation. Canada is implementing a carbon plan, and there is also the matter of a sale of Bombardier jets. "The Americans inserted so many poison pills into last week's talks in Washington that they should have been charged with murder", wrote the columnist, .

"A number of the proposals that the United States has put on the table have little or no support from the U.S. business and agriculture community. It isn't clear who they're intended to benefit", said John Murphy, vice-president of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. , the senior US senator from , called for an outcry against Trump anti-NAFTA moves, saying the "issues affect real jobs, real lives and real people". Kansas is a major agricultural exporter, and farm groups warn that just threatening to leave NAFTA might cause buyers to minimize uncertainty by seeking out non-US sources.

A fourth round of talks included a U.S. demand for a sunset clause that would end the agreement in five years, unless the three countries agreed to keep it in place, a provision U.S. Commerce Secretary has said would allow the countries to kill the deal if it was not working. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau met with the House Ways and Means Committee, since Congress would have to pass legislation rolling back the treaty's provisions if Trump tries to withdraw from the pact.

Impact of withdrawing from NAFTA
Following Donald Trump's election to the presidency, a range of trade experts have said that pulling out of NAFTA as Trump proposed would have a range of unintended consequences for the U.S., including reduced access to the U.S.'s biggest export markets, a reduction in economic growth, and increased prices for gasoline, cars, fruits, and vegetables.Eric Martin, Trump Killing Nafta Could Mean Big Unintended Consequences for the U.S., Bloomberg Business (October 1, 2015). The worst affected sectors would be textiles, agriculture and automobiles.

According to political scientist Daniel W. Drezner, the Trump administration's desire to return relations with Mexico to the pre-NAFTA era are misguided. Drezner argues that NAFTA made it easier for Mexico to transform to a real democracy and become a country that views itself as North American. If Trump acts on many of the threats that he has made against Mexico, it is not inconceivable that Mexicans would turn to left-wing populist strongmen, as several South American countries have. At the very least, US-Mexico relations would worsen, with adverse implications for cooperation on border security, counterterrorism, drug-war cooperation, deportations and managing Central American .

According to Chad P. Bown (senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics), "a renegotiated NAFTA that would reestablish is unlikely to help workers who lost their jobs—regardless of the cause—take advantage of new employment opportunities".

According to Harvard economist , "recent research estimates that the repeal of NAFTA would not increase car production in the United States". Melitz notes that this would cost manufacturing jobs.

Trans-Pacific Partnership
If the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) comes into effect, existing agreements such as NAFTA will be reduced to those provisions that do not conflict with the TPP, or that require greater trade liberalization than the TPP. However, only and will have the prospect of becoming members of the TPP after U.S. President withdrew the from the agreement in January 2017. In May 2017, the 11 remaining members of the TPP, including Canada and Mexico, agreed to proceed with the trade deal without U.S. participation.

See also
  • North American Leaders' Summit
  • Association of Southeast Asian Nations
  • Canada's Global Markets Action Plan
  • The Fight for Canada
  • Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA)
  • Economic Community of West African States
  • European Economic Area
  • European Free Trade Association
  • North American Transportation Statistics Interchange
  • Trans-Pacific Partnership
  • Free trade debate

Further reading

External links

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