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The Khalistan movement is a Separatism seeking to create a homeland for Sikhs by establishing an ethno-religious sovereign state called Khalistan () in the Punjab. The proposed boundaries of Khalistan vary between different groups; some suggest the entirety of the Sikh-majority Indian state of Punjab, while larger claims include Pakistani Punjab and other parts of North India such as Chandigarh, Haryana, and Himachal Pradesh.Crenshaw, Martha (1995). Terrorism in Context, Pennsylvania State University, . p. 364.
The call for a separate Sikh state began during the 1930s, when British Raj was nearing its end. In 1940, the first explicit call for Khalistan was made in a pamphlet titled "Khalistan". In the 1940s, a demand for a Sikh country called 'Sikhistan' arose. With financial and political support from the Sikh diaspora, the movement flourished in the Indian state of Punjab – which has a Sikh-majority population – continuing through the 1970s and 1980s, and reaching its zenith in the late 1980s. The Sikh separatist leader Jagjit Singh Chohan said that during his talks with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the latter affirmed his support for the Khalistan movement in retaliation for the 1971 Indo-Pakistan war, which resulted in the secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan.
The insurgency in Punjab started in the early 1980s after 1978 Sikh–Nirankari clash. Several Pro-Khalistan groups were involved in the armed insurgency, including Babbar Khalsa and Khalistan Commando Force, among others. In 1986, Khalistan Commando Force took responsibility for the assassination of General Arun Vaidya, in retaliation for 1984's Operation Blue Star.Weisman, Steven R. "A Top Indian General Is Assassinated", Seattle Post-Intelligencer, 11 August 1986."The Vaidya Murder Case: Confirming Death Sentences", India Abroad (New York edition). New York: 24 July 1992. Vol. XXII, Issue 43. p. 20. By the mid-1990s, the insurgency petered out, with the last major incident being the assassination of Chief Minister Beant Singh, who was killed in a bomb blast by a member of Babbar Khalsa. The movement failed to reach its objective for multiple reasons, including violent police crackdowns on separatists, factional infighting, and disillusionment from the Sikh population.
There is some support within India and the Sikh diaspora, with yearly demonstrations in protest of those killed during Operation Blue Star. In early 2018, some militant groups were arrested by police in Punjab, India. Former Chief Minister of Punjab Amarinder Singh claimed that the recent extremism is backed by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and "Khalistani sympathisers" in Canada, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar) is currently the only pro-Khalistan party recognised by the Election Commission of India. As of 2024, two seats in the Indian Parliament are held by Amritpal Singh, an incarcerated pro-Khalistan activist, and Sarabjeet Singh Khalsa, who is the son of the assassin of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.
At the end of the Second Anglo-Sikh War in 1849, the Sikh Empire was dissolved into separate and the British province of Punjab. In newly conquered regions, "religio-nationalist movements emerged in response to British divide and rule administrative policies, the perceived success of Christian missionaries converting Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims, and a general belief that the solution to the downfall among India's religious communities was a grassroots religious revival."
As the British Empire began to dissolve in the 1930s, Sikhs made their first call for a Sikh homeland. When the Lahore Resolution of the Muslim League demanded Punjab be made into a Muslim state, the Akali movement viewed it as an attempt to usurp a historically Sikh territory. In response, the Sikh party Shiromani Akali Dal argued for a community that was separate from Hindus and Muslims. The Akali Dal imagined Khalistan as a theocracy state led by the Maharaja of Patiala with the aid of a cabinet consisting of the representatives of other units. The country would include parts of present-day Punjab, India, present-day Punjab, Pakistan (including Lahore), and the Shimla Hill States.
Sikhistan was further proposed in mid-1944 at the All-Parties Sikh Conference in Amritsar in-response to the C. R. formula, which the Sikhs of the Akali Dal felt betrayed by as the proposal would divide the Sikh population at the time into two halves. Sikhistan differed from the Azad Punjab scheme that the Akali Dal had previously supported in 1943, as while Sikhistan demanded a separate Sikh state and was marked by a "Sikh complexion", Azad Punjab was on the other hand was a call for a more demographically religiously-balanced Punjab (albeit to still give Sikhs an upper-hand politically). However, Sikhistan did not feature in the election of campaign of the Akali Dal in 1946. On 22 March 1946, the Akali Dal pressed the demand for Sikhistan to the Cabinet Mission. Another name used for the proposed Sikh country was Khalistan.
Sikhistan was envisioned to be a Sikh federation, where regions in central and eastern Punjab with large amounts of Sikhs, alongside territory held by the Sikh-ruled princely states of Patiala, Nabha, Jind, Faridkot, Kalsia, and Kapurthala, would form a country. According to Giani Kartar Singh, Sikhistan would comprise the entirety of Lahore, Karnal, Simla, Montgomery, and Lyallpur districts. Meanwhile, Baldev Singh envisioned Sikhistan as comprising Ambala, Jullunder, and Lahore divisions. Master Tara Singh vaguely mentioned that a future Sikhistan would reserve the right to federate with either Pakistan or India. According to Tan Tai Yong, the demand for Sikhistan was a sign of the desperation of the Sikh leaders, who wanted to communicate to the British their fears of being under a "Muslim Raj" and their hope for representation in post-colonial Punjab. Therefore, the Sikhs copied the Muslim League in their demand for Pakistan by making a demand for Sikhistan in-order to achieve their aims for future political representation and power, although the Sikh leaders knew the demand for Sikhistan would not be taken seriously. The Cabinet Mission dismissed the Sikhistan demand as unrealistic and impossible.
British India was partitioned on a religious basis in 1947, where the Punjab province was divided between India and the newly created Pakistan. As result, a majority of Sikhs, along with the Hindus, migrated from the Pakistani region to India's Punjab, which included present-day Haryana and Himachal Pradesh. The Sikh population, which had gone as high as 19.8% in some Pakistani districts in 1941, dropped to 0.1% in Pakistan, and rose sharply in the districts assigned to India. However, they would still be a minority in the Punjab province of India, which remained a Hindu-majority province.
After the Partition of India in 1947, a Sikh publication called The Liberator advocated for Khalistan, proposing that it should include East Punjab merged with the Patiala and East Punjab States Union (PEPSU), with the Maharaja of Patiala as its monarch.
Oberoi makes the case that Sikh leaders in the late 1930s and 1940s realised that the dominance of Muslims in Pakistan and of Hindus in India was imminent. To justify a separate Sikh state within the Punjab, Sikh leaders started to mobilise meta-commentaries and signs to argue that Punjab belonged to Sikhs and Sikhs belong to Punjab. This began the territorialisation of the Sikh community.
This territorialisation of the Sikh community would be formalised in March 1946, when the Sikh political party of Akali Dal passed a resolution proclaiming the natural association of Punjab and the Sikh religious community. Oberoi argues that despite having its beginnings in the early 20th century, Khalistan as a separatist movement was never a major issue until the late 1970s and 1980s when it began to militarise.
Following the 1947 independence of India, the Punjabi Suba movement, led by the Akali Dal, sought the creation of a province ( Subah) for Punjabis. The Akali Dal's maximal position of demands was a sovereign state (i.e. Khalistan), while its minimal position was to have an autonomous state within India. The issues raised during the Punjabi Suba movement were later used as a premise for the creation of a separate Sikh country by proponents of Khalistan.
As the religious-based partition of India led to much bloodshed, the Indian government initially rejected the demand, concerned that creating a Punjabi-majority state would effectively mean yet again creating a state based on religious grounds.Chawla, Muhammad Iqbal. 2017. The Khalistan Movement of 1984: A Critical Appreciation.
On 7 September 1966, the Punjab Reorganisation Act was passed in Parliament, implemented with effect beginning 1 November 1966. Accordingly, Punjab was divided into the state of Punjab and Haryana, with certain areas to Himachal Pradesh. Chandigarh was made a centrally administered Union territory. While the Union Government led by Indira Gandhi agreed with the creation of Punjab state but refused to make Chandigarh as its capital and also refused to make it autonomous. The outcome of the Punjabi Suba movement failed to meet demands of its leaders.
The Akali Dal was defeated in the 1972 Punjab elections. To regain public appeal, the party put forward the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973 to demand radical devolution of power and further autonomy to Punjab. The resolution document included both religious and political issues, asking for the recognition of Sikhism as a religion separate from Hinduism, as well as the transfer of Chandigarh and certain other areas to Punjab. It also demanded that power be radically devolved from the central to state governments.
The document was largely forgotten for some time after its adoption until gaining attention in the following decade. In 1982, the Akali Dal and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale joined hands to launch the Dharam Yudh Morcha in order to implement the resolution. Thousands of people joined the movement, feeling that it represented a real solution to such demands as larger shares of water for irrigation and the return of Chandigarh to Punjab.
Davinder Singh Parmar migrated to London in 1954. According to Parmar, his first pro-Khalistan meeting was attended by less than 20 people and he was labelled as a madman, receiving only one person's support. Parmar continued his efforts despite the lack of following, eventually raising the Khalistani flag in Birmingham in the 1970s. In 1969, two years after losing the Punjab Assembly elections, Indian politician Jagjit Singh Chohan moved to the United Kingdom to start his campaign for the creation of Khalistan. Chohan's proposal included Punjab, Himachal, Haryana, as well as some parts of Rajasthan.
Parmar and Chohan met in 1970 and formally announced the Khalistan movement at a London press conference, though being largely dismissed by the community as fanatical fringe without any support.
On 13 October 1971, visiting the United States at the invitation of his supporters in the Sikh diaspora, Chohan placed an advertisement in the New York Times proclaiming an independent Sikh state. Such promotion enabled him to collect millions of dollars from the diaspora, eventually leading to charges in India relating to sedition and other crimes in connection with his separatist activities.
In May 1980, Chohan travelled to London to announce the formation of Khalistan. A similar announcement was made in Amritsar by Sandhu, who released stamps and currency of Khalistan. Operating from a building termed "Khalistan House", Chohan named a Cabinet and declared himself president of the "Republic of Khalistan," issuing symbolic Khalistan 'passports,' 'postage stamps,' and 'Khalistan dollars.' Moreover, embassies in Britain and other European countries were opened by Chohan. It is reported that, with the support of a wealthy Californian peach magnate, Chohan opened an Ecuadorian bank account to further support his operation. As well as maintaining contacts among various groups in Canada, the US, and Germany, Chohan kept in contact with the Sikh leader Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale who was campaigning for a Theocracy Sikh homeland.
The globalised Sikh diaspora invested efforts and resources for Khalistan, but the Khalistan movement remained nearly invisible on the global political scene until the Operation Blue Star of June 1984.
According to a New York Times article written just a few weeks after the operation, "Before the raid on the Golden Temple, neither the Government nor anyone else appeared to put much credence in the Khalistan movement. Mr. Bhindranwale himself said many times that he was not seeking an independent country for Sikhs, merely greater autonomy for Punjab within the Indian Union.... One possible explanation advanced for the Government's raising of the Khalistan question is that it needs to take every opportunity to justify the killing in Amritsar and the invasion of the Sikhs' holiest shrine."
Khushwant Singh had written that "considerable Khalistan sentiment seems to have arisen since the raid on the temple, which many Sikhs, if not most, have taken as a deep offense to their religion and their sensibilities," referring to the drastic change in community sentiments after the army attack.
Knowing that the Games would receive extensive coverage, Akali leaders vowed to overwhelm Delhi with a flood of protestors, aiming to heighten the perception of Sikh "plight" among the international audience. A week before the Games, Bhajan Lal, Chief Minister of Haryana and member of the INC party, responded by sealing the Delhi-Punjab border, and ordering all Sikh visitors travelling from to Delhi from Punjab to be frisked. While such measures were seen as discriminatory and humiliating by Sikhs, they proved effective as Akali Dal could only organise small and scattered protests in Delhi. Consequently, many Sikhs who did not initially support Akalis and Bhindranwale began sympathising with the Akali Morcha.
Following the conclusion of the Games, Longowal organised a convention of Sikh veterans at the Golden Temple. It was attended by a large number of Sikh ex-servicemen, including Major General Shabeg Singh who subsequently became Bhindranwale's military advisor.
In 1984, there were 775 violent incidents, resulting in 298 people killed and 525 injured, during a six month period alone.Ghosh, Srikanta. 1997. Indian Democracy Derailed – Politics and Politicians. APH Publishing. . p. 95.
Though it was common knowledge that those responsible for such bombings and murders were taking shelter in , the INC Government of India declared that it could not enter these places of worship, for the fear of hurting Sikh sentiments. Even as detailed reports on the open shipping of arms-laden trucks were sent to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, the Government choose not to take action. Finally, following the murder of six Hindu bus passengers in October 1983, emergency rule was imposed in Punjab, which would continue for more than a decade.Sisson, Mary. 2011. "Sikh Terrorism." pp. 544–545 in The Sage Encyclopedia of Terrorism (2nd ed.), edited by G. Martin. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publishing. . .
Late 1970s to 1983
Delhi Asian Games (1982)
The Akali leaders, having planned to announce a victory for Dharam Yudh Morcha, were outraged by the changes to the agreed-upon settlement. In November 1982, Akali leader Harchand Singh Longowal announced that the party would disrupt the 9th annual Asian Games by sending groups of Akali workers to Delhi to intentionally get arrested. Following negotiations between the Akali Dal and the government failed at the last moment due to disagreements regarding the transfer of areas between Punjab and Haryana.
1984
Increasing militant activity
Widespread murders by followers of Bhindranwale occurred in 1980s' Punjab. Armed Khalistani militants of this period described themselves as kharku.
Constitutional issues
The Akali Dal began more agitation in February 1984, protesting against Article 25, clause (2)(b), of the Indian Constitution, which ambiguously explains that "the reference to Hindus shall be construed as including a reference to persons professing the Sikh, Jainism, or Buddhism religion," while also implicitly recognising Sikhism as a separate religion: "the wearing and carrying of Kirpan Sharma, Mool Chand, and A.K. Sharma, eds. 2004. " Discrimination Based on Religion ." pp. 108–110 in Discrimination Based on Sex, Caste, Religion, and Disability''. New Delhi: National Council for Teacher Education. Archived from the original on 2 June 2010. Retrieved 17 May 2020. Even today, this clause is deemed offensive by many religious minorities in India due to its failure to recognise such religions separately under the constitution.
Members of the Akali Dal demanded that the removal of any ambiguity in the Constitution that refers to Sikhs as Hindu, as such prompts various concerns for the Sikh population, both in principle and in practice. For instance, a Sikh couple who would marry in accordance to the Anand Karaj would have to register their union either under the Special Marriage Act, 1954 or the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955. The Akalis demanded replacement of such rules with laws specific to Sikhism.
In July 1983, Akali Dal President Harchand Singh Longowal had invited Bhindranwale to take up residence at the sacred temple complex,Singh, Khushwant. 2004. A History of the Sikhs, Volume II: 1839–2004. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. p. 337. which the government would allege that Bhindranwale would later make into an arsenal and headquarters for his armed uprising.
Since the inception of the Dharam Yudh Morcha to the violent events leading up to Operation Blue Star, Khalistani militants had directly killed 165 Hindus and , as well as 39 Sikhs opposed to Bhindranwale, while a total of 410 were killed and 1,180 injured as a result of Khalistani violence and riots.
As negotiations held with Bhindranwale and his supporters proved unsuccessful, Indira Gandhi ordered the Indian Army to launch Operation Blue Star.
Along with the Army, the operation would involve Central Reserve Police Force, Border Security Force, and Punjab Police. Army units led by Lt. Gen. Kuldip Singh Brar (a Sikh), surrounded the temple complex on 3 June 1984. Just before the commencement of the operation, Lt. Gen. Brar addressed the soldiers: (2014). 9781409437062, Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 9781409437062
However, none of the soldiers opted out, including many "Sikh officers, junior commissioned officers and other ranks." Using a public address system, the Army repeatedly demanded the militants to surrender, asking them to at least allow pilgrims to leave the temple premises before commencing battle.
Nothing happened until 7:00 pm (IST). The Army, equipped with and heavy artillery, had grossly underestimated the firepower possessed by the militants, who attacked with anti-tank and Machine gun fire from the heavily fortified Akal Takht, and who possessed Chinese-made, rocket-propelled grenade launchers with armour-piercing capabilities. After a 24-hour shootout, the army finally wrested control of the temple complex.
Bhindranwale was killed in the operation, while many of his followers managed to escape. Army casualty figures counted 83 dead and 249 injured, although Rajiv Gandhi would later admit that over 700 Indian soldiers died. According to the official estimate presented by the Indian Government, the event resulted in a combined total of 493 militant and civilian casualties, as well as the apprehension of 1592 individuals. Independent estimates say over 5,000 civilians and only 200 militants were killed.
UK Foreign Secretary William Hague attributed high civilian casualties to the Indian Government's attempt at a full frontal assault on the militants, diverging from the recommendations provided by the British Army.Hague, William. 2014. " Allegations of UK Involvement in the Indian Operation at Sri Harmandir Sahib, Amritsar 1984 ." (White paper). Available as a PDF . Retrieved 17 May 2020.
"The FCO files (Annex E) record the Indian Intelligence Co-ordinator telling a UK interlocutor, in the same time-frame as this public Indian report, that some time after the UK military adviser's visit the Indian Army took over lead responsibility for the operation, the main concept behind the operation changed, and a frontal assault was attempted, which contributed to the large number of casualties on both sides."
Nonetheless, the operation did not crush Khalistani militancy, as it continued.
According to the Mitrokhin Archive, in 1982 the Soviets used a recruit in the New Delhi residency named "Agent S" who was close to Indira Gandhi as a major channel for providing her disinformation regarding Khalistan. Agent S provided Indira Gandhi with false documents purporting to show Pakistani involvement to create religious disturbances and allegedly initiate a Khalistan conspiracy. After Rajiv Gandhi's visit to Moscow in 1983, the Soviets persuaded him that the US was engaged in secret support for the Sikhs. By 1984, according to Mitrokhin, the disinformation the Soviets provided had influenced Indira Gandhi to pursue Operation Blue Star.
The Nanavati Commission, a special commission created to investigate the riots, concluded that INC leaders (including Jagdish Tytler, H. K. L. Bhagat, and Sajjan Kumar) had directly or indirectly taken a role in the rioting incidents.Nanavati, G. T. 9 February 2005. " Report of the Justice Nanavati Commission of Inquiry (1984 Anti-Sikh Riots) " 1. New Delhi: Ministry of Home Affairs. Archived from the original 27 November 2014. Retrieved 18 May 2020.
Also available via People's Archive of Rural India .
Available via Committee for Information and Initiative on Punjab.
In 1985, the Government of India sought a political solution to Sikh grievances through the Rajiv-Longowal Accord, which was concluded between Longowal and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. The Accord—recognising the religious, territorial, and economic demands of the Sikhs that were thought to be non-negotiable under Indira Gandhi's tenure—agreed to establish commissions and independent tribunals in order to resolve the Chandigarh issue and the river dispute, laying the basis for Akali Dal's victory in the coming elections.
Though providing a basis for a return to normality, Chandigarh evidently remained an issue, and the agreement was denounced by Sikh militants who refused to give up the demand for an independent Khalistan. Extremists, who were left unappeased, reacted by assassinating Longowal. Such behaviour led to the dismissal of negotiations, whereby both Congress and the Akali parties accused each other of aiding terrorism.
The Indian government pointed to the involvement of a "foreign hand," referring to Pakistan's abetting of the movement. Punjab noted to the Indian government that militants were able to obtain sophisticated arms through sources outside the country and by developing links with sources within the country. As such, the government believed that large illegal flows of arms were flowing through the borders of India, with Pakistan being responsible for trafficking arms. India claimed that Pakistan provided sanctuary, arms, money, and moral support to the militants, though most of the accusations were based on circumstantial evidence.
The main suspects in the bombing were members of a Sikh separatist group called the Babbar Khalsa, and other related groups who were at the time agitating for a separate Sikh state of Khalistan in Punjab, India. In September 2007, the Canadian Commission of Inquiry investigated reports, initially disclosed in the Indian investigative news magazine Tehelka, that a hitherto unnamed person, Lakhbir Singh Rode, had masterminded the explosions. However, in conclusion, two separate Canadian inquiries officially determined that the mastermind behind the terrorist operation was in fact a Canadian named Talwinder Singh Parmar.
Several men were arrested and tried for the Air India bombing. Inderjit Singh Reyat, a Canadians national and member of the International Sikh Youth Federation, who pleaded guilty in 2003 to manslaughter, was the only person convicted in the case. He was sentenced to fifteen years in prison for assembling the bombs that exploded on board Air India Flight 182 and at Narita International Airport.
On 29 April 1986, an assembly of separatist Sikhs at the Akal Takht made a declaration of an independent state of Khalistan, and a number of rebel militant groups in favour of Khalistan subsequently waged a major insurgency against the Government of India. A decade of violence and conflict in Punjab would follow before a return to normality in the region. This period of insurgency saw clashes of Sikh militants with the police, as well as with the , a mystical Sikh sect less conservative in its aims to reform Sikhism.
The Khalistani militant activities manifested in the form of several attacks, such as the 1987 Lalru bus massacre near Lalru and the 1991 Punjab killings in Ludhiana."Gunmen Slaughter 32 on Bus in India in Bloodiest Attack of Sikh Campaign". The Philadelphia Inquirer, 7 July 1987. Page A03. Such activities continued into the 1990s as the perpetrators of the 1984 riots remained uncaught; many Sikhs also felt that they were being discriminated against and that their religious rights were being suppressed.
In the 1989 parliamentary elections, Sikh separatist representatives won 10 of Punjab's 13 national seats and had the most popular support. The Indian National Congress cancelled those elections and instead hosted a Khaki election. The separatists boycotted the poll. The voter turnout was 24%. The Congress won this election and used it to further its anti-separatist campaign. Most of the separatist leadership was wiped out, and the moderates were suppressed by the end of 1993.
In August 1991, Julio Ribeiro, then the Indian ambassador to Romania, was attacked and wounded at Bucharest in an assassination attempt by gunmen identified as Punjabi Sikhs. Sikh groups also claimed responsibility for the 1991 kidnapping of Liviu Radu, the Romanian chargé d'affaires in New Delhi. This appeared to be in retaliation for Romanian arrests of Khalistan Liberation Force members suspected of the attempted assassination of Ribeiro. Radu was released unharmed after Sikh politicians criticised the action.
In October 1991, The New York Times reported that violence had increased sharply in the months leading up to the kidnapping, with Indian security forces or Sikh militants killing 20 or more people per day, and that the militants had been "gunning down" family members of police officers. Scholar Ian Talbot stated that all sides, including the Indian Army, police, and the militants, committed crimes like murder, rape, and torture.
From 24 January 1993 to 4 August 1993, Khalistan was a member of the NGO Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. The membership was permanently suspended on 22 January 1995.
On 31 August 1995, Chief Minister Beant Singh was killed in a suicide bombing, for which the pro-Khalistan group Babbar Khalsa claimed responsibility. Security authorities, however, reported that the group's involvement was doubtful. A 2006 press release by the Embassy of the United States, New Delhi indicated that the responsible organisation was the Khalistan Commando Force.
While the militants enjoyed some support among Sikh separatists in the earlier period, this support gradually disappeared.Mahmood, Cynthia. 5 May 1997. "Fax to Ted Albers." Orono, Maine: Resource Information Center. The insurgency weakened the Punjab economy and led to an increase in violence in the state. With dwindling support and increasingly-effective Indian security troops eliminating anti-state combatants, Sikh militancy effectively ended by the early 1990s.Documentation, Information and Research Branch. 17 February 1997. "India: Information from four specialists on the Punjab, Response to Information Request #IND26376.EX." Ottawa: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada.
In November 2015, a congregation of the Sikh community (i.e., a Sarbat Khalsa) was called in response to recent unrest in the Punjab region. The Sarbat Khalsa adopted 13 resolutions to strengthen Sikh institutions and traditions. The 12th resolution reaffirmed the resolutions adopted by the Sarbat Khalsa in 1986, including the declaration of the sovereign state of Khalistan.
Moreover, signs in favour of Khalistan were raised when SAD (Amritsar) president Simranjit Singh Mann met with Surat Singh Khalsa, who was admitted to Dayanand Medical College & Hospital (DMCH). While Mann was arguing with ACP Satish Malhotra, supporters standing at the main gate of DMCH raised Khalistan signs in the presence of a heavy police force. After a confrontation with the police authorities that lasted about 15–20 minutes, Mann was allowed to meet Khalsa along with ADCP Paramjeet Singh Pannu.
Maintaining a persistent connection to their culture and religion, the Sikh diaspora outside India is increasingly supporting the movement through financial contributions, propaganda, and political lobbying in the countries where they reside, and is taking a prominent role in driving the movement. Emboldened by expansive political and financial ties, the diaspora has used gurudwaras, among other available institutions, to channel financial and diplomatic aid to the movement in Punjab, and has used modern communication channels such as the internet and social media to rally support for it.
Recently, many signs have been raised in several places in support of the Khalistan movement, although the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) reports that Sikhs who support Khalistan may themselves be detained and tortured. Notably, on the 31st anniversary of Operation Bluestar, pro-Khalistan signs were raised in Punjab, resulting in 25 Sikh youths being detained by police. Pro-Khalistan signs were also raised during a function of Punjabi Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal. Two members of SAD-A, identified as Sarup Singh Sandha and Rajindr Singh Channa, raised pro-Khalistan and anti-Badal signs during the chief minister's speech.
In retrospect, the Khalistan movement has failed to reach its objectives in India due to several reasons:
Simrat Dhillon (2007), writing for the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, noted that while a few groups continued to fight, "the movement has lost its popular support both in India and within the Diaspora community."
During a Khalistan referendum vote held in Melbourne in January 2023, two separate brawls broke out between Khalistan supporters and pro-India demonstrators, leading to two people being injured and two Sikh men being arrested. Victoria Police issued statements afterwards: "During the fight, flag poles were used by several men as weapons which caused physical injuries to multiple victims in which two victims were treated at the scene by paramedics" and "As a result of each incident a 34-year-old man and a 39-year-old man were arrested, and each issued with a penalty notice for riotous behaviour." Australia's High Commissioner to India Barry O'Farrell condemned the incident.
In February 2022, Deepak Punj, a Brampton radio host and a vocal critic of the Khalistan movement, was assaulted by three belligerent men who warned him "against speaking about Deep Sidhu and Khalistan". In a statement to The Globe and Mail, Punj claimed "one of them pulled a gun on me, and the other hit me on the head with a beer bottle". Brampton mayor Patrick Brown condemned the attack, stating, "No one in the media should face violence or intimidation." Peel police subsequently launched an investigation.
In August 2022, Amritpal Singh, a self-styled radical Indian preacher, came to prominence after being appointed as the head of Waris Punjab De (a Sikh political organisation that lent support to pro-Khalistan figures and groups) immediately after Deep Sidhu's death (a succession described as illegitimate by the relatives and some associates of Sidhu). He subsequently embarked on a campaign and numerous preaching tours advocating for the creation of Khalistan and for Sikhs to receive baptism, imbibe religious austerities, and to shun drugs and other vices. He glorified the use of violence and weapons during public events. On 18 March 2023, Indian authorities initiated a crackdown on Waris Punjab De, alleging the organisation's involvement in attempted murder, attacks on police personnel, and spreading disharmony in Punjab. An extensive manhunt for Singh ensued, who absconded and managed to evade police capture for 35 days. He was arrested on 23 April 2023.
Numerous protests, particularly among diaspora Sikhs, occurred in the aftermath of the Indian police's search for Singh. While many transpired without incident, numerous violent attacks were reported in various locations. A mob of protesters attacked the Indian consulate in San Francisco, another mob attacked the Indian High Commission in London and attempted to pull down the Indian flag off a pole, broke windows, and inflicted minor injuries on security staff. The National Investigation Agency claimed that a group of protesters in San Francisco were exhorted to kill all representatives of the Indian government. On 21 March 2023, two men poured flammable material in the entrance of the consulate and attempted to set the San Francisco consulate on fire. In Washington, Khalistan supporters verbally intimidated and physically assaulted an Indian journalist covering the protests. In a Surrey protest, Sameer Kaushal, a journalist, was allegedly assaulted and harassed by Khalistan supporters. In the aftermath of the Surrey protest, Surrey Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) spokesperson Vanessa Munn confirmed police were investigating an alleged assault involving a different victim and that the RCMP was seeking witnesses and video evidence. She stated "There is an assault investigation into the assault of one person who was in the crowd and did appear to be swarmed and assaulted by multiple people". In 2023, Indian ambassador to the US Taranjit Singh Sandhu was threatened with assassination by Khalistanis.
On 18 June 2023, Hardeep Singh Nijjar was shot dead in the parking lot of a Sikh temple in Surrey, British Columbia. Nijjar was allegedly the head of two pro-Khalistan organisations in Canada, and had been accused by the Indian government of orchestrating targeted killings in India, for which it unsuccessfully sought his extradition.
On 2 July 2023, Khalistani supporters set the Indian consulate in San Francisco on fire. The arson attempt was promptly suppressed by the San Francisco Fire Department, resulting in limited damage to the building and no injuries to the staffers present. The incident was condemned by the State Department's spokesman Matthew Miller. A video of the incident was released on Twitter by Khalistani supporters, suggesting the attack was retaliation for the recent death of Hardeep Singh Nijjar. Nijjar's death sparked protests among sections of the Sikh diaspora; posters promoting these events alleged that Indian diplomats played a role in the death. The posters were condemned by Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Melanie Joly, who assured the safety of Indian diplomats and buildings.
According to a Globe and Mail report published one year after Nijjar's death, some Canadian security officials did not believe there was sufficient evidence to arrest Nijjar, and accused Indian intelligence officials of "having a reputation for torqueing evidence to fit with political objectives". However, the report also stated that interviews with Nijjar's associates and his own disclosures, revealed that "he was steeped in Sikh extremism", made speeches calling for violence against Indian adversaries, had relations with the architects of the 1995 assassination of Punjab's chief minister Beant Singh, was photographed in Pakistan with an AK-47 and had a close relationship with Jagtar Singh Tara—head of the Babbar Khalsa International and other militant outfits—had "underworld associates" and relations with members of the Khalistan Tiger Force, and led several men in weapons, GPS, and target practice in Lower Mainland BC.
On 1 September 2024, the organisation, Sikhs for Justice (SFJ), held a rally in Toronto. Floats within the parade glorified Dilawar Singh Babbar, a suicide bomber affiliated with Babbar Khalsa International (a banned organisation in Canada), who killed former Punjab chief minister Beant Singh and numerous other bystanders. A sign at the rally read "Beanta Bombed to Death". SFJ described Babbar as a "human bomb". SFJ's general counsel, in a statement, said: "We are all offspring of Dilawar. At that time in 1995, the choice of weapon was a bomb, but we have a choice of a ballot today.” Some attendees chanted "Kill India" at the rally.
In October 2024, Rishi Nagar, a Canadian radio host of Calgary Red FM, reported on an incident at Gurdwara Dashmesh Culture Centre, a Sikh temple in Calgary, in which two men were arrested on various firearms-related charges, including unauthorised possession of a firearm and pointing a firearm; multiple guns were seized by the police at the site. Following the report, Nagar was assaulted by two men. The attack left Nagar with severe injuries to his eye. Nagar attributed the assault to Khalistani elements, stating “The pro-Khalistan people attacked me” . Calgary Police's Staff Sergeant John Guigon described the assault as "particularly troubling to us when a member of the media gets attacked in a democracy". Calgary Red FM stated that Nagar "faced some blowback for his opposition to the Khalistan movement". Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre and Alberta premier Danielle Smith condemned the attack.
Chandra Arya, a Canadian Liberal MP, denounced attacks on journalists perpetrated by Khalistan supporters. In the House of Commons, he criticised the attacks on Nagar, Punj, and Kaushal. Arya further stated, "I call on law enforcement agencies to take notice of Khalistani extremism with all seriousness it deserves." Mocha Bezirgan, a journalist, has also received death threats for his coverage on Khalistani extremism.
In November 2024, Khalistani demonstrators attacked people outside the Hindu Sabha Mandir in Brampton with flag poles and sticks. In a video circulated on social media, individuals holding pro-Khalistan flags were seen running into the temple property and striking people within their vicinity. Justin Trudeau, Pierre Poilievre, and Jagmeet Singh, along with other Canadian politicians, condemned the incident. As a result of the violence, Brampton Mayor Patrick Brown announced he that he intended to introduce a motion at city council to prohibit protests outside places of worship in Brampton. An off-duty Peel Police sergeant named Harinder Sohi was suspended from duty for participating in the protest. Sohi was filmed holding a Khalistan flag outside the temple. In another social media post, a police officer was seen charging at a temple-goer and punching him, seemingly without provocation. The Toronto Star reached out to Peel Police, which claimed it was aware of the video and "looking into it". Prior to the melee at the temple, the Indian consulate announced a visit to the temple to assist elderly members of the Indian diaspora with their pensions and to them issue life certificates. Most beneficiaries of the consular service were Sikh diaspora members. Sikhs for Justice subsequently began a protest, alleging the Indian consulate intended to spy on Sikhs and collect intelligence on the separatist movement. Inderjeet Singh Gosal, Sikhs for Justice Khalistan referendum coordinator for Canada, who organised the protest stated: "This is not a Hindu and Sikh battle. This is strictly Sikhs versus the Indian government ... Any place they (consular officials) go, we've been protesting there." Gosal was arrested on 8 November 2024 and charged with assault with a weapon. On 23 September 2025, Canadian authorities arrested Inderjeet Singh Gosal for firearms charges.
Simranjit Singh Mann, head of the SAD(A), won the Sangrur Lok Sabha by-election held in June 2022, receiving 253,154 votes in the constituency or 35.61% of the vote share. However, Mann went on to lose the 2024 Sangrur Lok Sabha election, receiving 187,246 votes, or 18.55% of the vote.
In the 2024 Indian general election in Punjab, thirteen parliamentary constituencies were contested. Two MP candidates associated with the Khalistan movement, Amritpal Singh and Sarabjeet Singh Khalsa, won in their respective constituencies and were subsequently elected as Indian Members of Parliament. SAD(A) ran candidates in 12 out of 13 constituencies, but did not win any race. They received over 500,000 votes in the election.
| +Electoral performance of pro Khalistan candidates/parties in the 2024 Indian general election in Punjab !Candidate/Party !Affiliation !Constituency !Won/Lost !Votes !% !Notes | ||||||
| Amritpal Singh | Independent | Khadoor Sahib | Won | 404,430 | 38.62 | Incarcerated pro-Khalistan activist. |
| Sarabjeet Singh Khalsa | Independent | Faridkot | Won | 298,062 | 29.38 | Son of the assassin of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. |
| Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar) | Contested 12 out of the 13 parliamentary constituencies | Lost in all 12 constituencies | 517,024 | ~3.82% of total vote share | Only pro-Khalistan party in India. | |
| Total vote count of pro-Khalistan candidates | 1,219,516 | |||||
| Total votes in general election | ~13,530,000 | |||||
| % of vote | ~9% | |||||
A section of Sikhs turned to militancy in Punjab and several Sikh militant outfits proliferated in the 1980s and 1990s. Some militant groups aimed to create an independent state through acts of violence directed at members of the Indian government, army, or forces. A large numbers of Sikhs condemned the actions of the militants. According to anthropological analysis, one reason young men had for joining militant and other religious nationalist groups was for fun, excitement, and expressions of masculinity. Puri, Judge, and Sekhon (1999) suggest that illiterate/under-educated young men, lacking enough job prospects, had joined pro-Khalistan militant groups for the primary purpose of "fun."Puri, Harish K., Paramjit Singh Judge, and Jagrup Singh Sekhon. 1999. Terrorism in Punjab: Understanding Grassroots Reality. New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications. pp. 68–71. They mention that the pursuit of Khalistan itself was the motivation for only 5% of "militants."
Most of these outfits were crushed by 1993 during the counter-insurgency operations. In recent years, active groups have included Babbar Khalsa, International Sikh Youth Federation, Dal Khalsa, and Bhindranwale Tiger Force. An unknown group before then, the Shaheed Khalsa Force claimed credit for the marketplace bombings in New Delhi in 1997. The group has never been heard of since.
Major pro-Khalistan militant outfits include:
In 1999, Kuldip Nayar, writing for Rediff.com, stated in an article, titled "It is fundamentalism again", that the Sikh "masses" had rejected terrorists. By 2001, Sikh extremism and the demand for Khalistan had all but abated.: "Not only has the once powerful Khalistan movement virtually disappeared, even the appeal of identity seems to have considerably declined during the last couple of years."
Reported in his paper, titled "From Bhindranwale to Bin Laden: Understanding Religious Violence", Director Mark Juergensmeyer of the Orfalea Centre for Global & International Studies, UCSB, interviewed a militant who said that "the movement is over," as many of his colleagues had been killed, imprisoned, or driven into hiding, and because public support was gone.
Sikh places of worship, gurdwaras, provided the geographic and institutional coordination for the Sikh community. Sikh political factions have used the gurdwaras as a forum for political organisation. The gurdwaras sometimes served as the site for mobilisation of diaspora for Khalistan movement directly by raising funds. Indirect mobilisation was sometimes provided by promoting a stylised version of conflict and Sikh history. The rooms in some gurdwara exhibit pictures of Khalistani leaders along with paintings of martyrs from Sikh history.
Gurdwaras also host speakers and musical groups that promote and encourage the movement. Among the diasporas, Khalistan issue has been a divisive issue within gurdwaras. These factions have fought over the control of gurdwaras and their political and financial resources. The fights between pro and anti-Khalistan factions over gurdwaras often included violent acts and bloodshed as reported from UK and North America. The gurdwaras with Khalistani leadership allegedly funnel the collected funds into activities supporting the movement.
Different groups of Sikhs in the diaspora organise the convention of international meetings to facilitate communication and establish organisational order. In April 1981 the first "International Convention of Sikhs," was held in New York and was attended by some 200 delegates. In April 1987 the third convention was held in Slough, Berkshire where the Khalistan issue was addressed. This meeting's objective was to "build unity in the Khalistan movement."
All these factors further strengthened the emerging nationalism among Sikhs. Sikh organisations launched many fund-raising efforts that were used for several purposes. After 1984 one of the objectives was the promotion of the Sikh version of "ethnonational history" and the relationship with the Indian state. The Sikh diaspora also increased their efforts to build institutions to maintain and propagate their ethnonational heritage. A major objective of these educational efforts was to publicise a different face to the non-Sikh international community who regarded the Sikhs as "terrorists".
In 1993, Khalistan was briefly admitted in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization, but was suspended in a few months. The membership suspension was made permanent on 22 January 1995.
Edward T.G. Anderson, an associate professor in history, describes the Khalistan movement outside India as follows:
The Sikh separatist leader Jagjit Singh Chohan said that during his talks with Pakistani prime minister that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto affirmed "we'll help you and make it the capital of Khalistan"; Bhutto wanted revenge over Bangladesh.
General Zia-ul Haq, who succeeded Bhutto as the Head of State, attempted to reverse the traditional antipathy between Sikhs and Muslims arising from the partition violence by restoring Sikh shrines in Pakistan and opening them for Sikh pilgrimage. The expatriate Sikhs from England and North America that visited these shrines were at the forefront of the calls for Khalistan. During the pilgrims' stay in Pakistan, the Sikhs were exposed to Khalistani propaganda, which would not be openly possible in India.
The ISI chief, General Abdul Rahman, opened a cell within ISI with the objective of supporting the "Sikhs'...freedom struggle against India". Rahman's colleagues in ISI took pride in the fact that "the Sikhs were able to set the whole province on fire. They knew who to kill, where to plant a bomb and which office to target." General Hamid Gul argued that keeping Punjab destabilised was equivalent to the Pakistan Army having an extra division at no cost. Zia-ul Haq, on the other hand, consistently practised the art of plausible denial. The Khalistan movement was brought to a decline only after India fenced off a part of the Punjab border with Pakistan and the Benazir Bhutto government agreed to joint patrols of the border by Indian and Pakistani troops.
In 2006, an American court convicted Khalid Awan, a Muslim and Canadian of Pakistani descent, of "supporting terrorism" by providing money and financial services to the Khalistan Commando Force chief Paramjit Singh Panjwar in Pakistan. KCF members had carried out deadly attacks against Indian civilians causing thousands of deaths. Awan frequently travelled to Pakistan and was alleged by the US officials to have links to Sikh and Muslim extremists, as well as Pakistani intelligence.
In 2008, India's Intelligence Bureau indicated that Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence organisation was trying to revive Sikh militancy.
According to B. Raman, former Additional Secretary in the Cabinet Secretariat of India and a senior official of the Research and Analysis Wing, the United States initiated a plan in complicity with Pakistan's General Yahya Khan in 1971 to support an insurgency for Khalistan in Punjab.
In 2023, the United States alleged a plot by the Indian government to assassinate the New York–based Sikh separatist Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, a spokesperson for the pro-Khalistan group Sikhs for Justice. On 29 November 2023, an Indian government employee was the target of an indictment in New York for their alleged role in the assassination plot.
On 18 November 1998, the Canada-based Sikh journalist Tara Singh Hayer was gunned down by suspected Khalistani militants. The publisher of the Indo-Canadian Times, a Canadian Sikh and once-vocal advocate of the armed struggle for Khalistan, he had criticised the bombing of Air India Flight 182, and was to testify about a conversation he overheard concerning the bombing. On 24 January 1995, Tarsem Singh Purewal, editor of Britain's Punjabi-language weekly Des Pardes, was killed as he was closing his office in Southall. There is speculation that the murder was related to Sikh extremism, which Purewal may have been investigating. Another theory is that he was killed in retaliation for revealing the identity of a young rape victim.
Terry Milewski reported in a 2007 documentary for the CBC that a minority within Canada's Sikh community was gaining political influence even while publicly supporting terrorist acts in the struggle for an independent Sikh state. In response, the World Sikh Organization of Canada (WSO), a Canadian Sikh human rights group that opposes violence and extremism, sued the CBC for "defamation, slander, and libel", alleging that Milewski linked it to terrorism and damaged the reputation of the WSO within the Sikh community. In 2015, however, the WSO unconditionally abandoned "any and all claims" made in its lawsuit.
Canadian journalist Kim Bolan has written extensively on Sikh extremism. Speaking at the Fraser Institute in 2007, she reported that she still received death threats over her coverage of the 1985 Air India bombing.
In 2008, a CBC report stated that "a disturbing brand of extremist politics has surfaced" at some of the Vaisakhi and the Buddhist Visakha Puja parades in Canada, and The Trumpet agreed with the CBC assessment. Two leading Canadian Sikh politicians refused to attend the parade in Surrey, saying it was a glorification of terrorism. In 2008, Dr. Manmohan Singh, Prime Minister of India, expressed his concern that there might be a resurgence of Sikh extremism.
There has been some controversy over Canada's response to the Khalistan movement. After Amarinder Singh's refusal to meet Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in 2017, calling him a "Khalistani sympathiser", Singh ultimately met with Trudeau on 22 February 2018 over the issue. Trudeau assured Singh that his country would not support the revival of the separatist movement. Shiromani Akali Dal President Sukhbir Badal was quoted saying Khalistan is "no issue, either in Canada or in Punjab".
A 2020 report by Canadian ex-journalist Terry Milewski criticised the Khalistan movement as driven by the Pakistani government, and as a threat to Canadian interests.
In September 2023, while speaking to the Canadian parliament, Justin Trudeau accused India of being involved in the slaying of Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a prominent advocate of the Khalistan separatist movement who had been killed by masked gunmen in Surrey, British Columbia. Although Nijjar had been accused by India of having links to terrorism, India denied any involvement in his death. A subsequent diplomatic row followed, with both countries expelling multiple diplomatic staff in 2023 and 2024. Canada has not shared evidence of Indian involvement in the killing of Nijar, citing the need to protect sensitive intelligence sources and methods.
Lord Bassam of Brighton, then Home Office minister, stated that International Sikh Youth Federation (ISYF) members working from the UK had committed "assassinations, bombings, and kidnappings" and were a "threat to national security." The ISYF is listed in the UK as a "Proscribed Terrorist Group" but it has not been included in the list of terrorist organisations by the United States Department of State. It was also added to the US Treasury Department terrorism list on 27 June 2002.
Andrew Gilligan, reporting for the London Evening Standard, stated that the Sikh Federation (UK) is the "successor" of the ISYF, and that its executive committee, objectives, and senior members ... are largely the same. The Vancouver Sun reported in February 2008 that Dabinderjit Singh was campaigning to have both the Babbar Khalsa and International Sikh Youth Federation de-listed as terrorist organisations. It also stated of Public Safety Minister Stockwell Day that "he has not been approached by anyone lobbying to delist the banned groups". Day is also quoted as saying "The decision to list organisations such as Babbar Khalsa, Babbar Khalsa International, and the International Sikh Youth Federation as terrorist entities under the Criminal Code is intended to protect Canada and Canadians from terrorism." There are claims of funding from Sikh diaspora to attract young people into these pro-Khalistan militant groups.
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