Irving Charles Krauthammer (; March 13, 1950 – June 21, 2018) was an American political columnist. A conservative political pundit, in 1987 Krauthammer won the Pulitzer Prize for his column in The Washington Post. His weekly column was syndicated to more than 400 publications worldwide.
While in his first year studying medicine at Harvard Medical School, Krauthammer became permanently paralyzed from the waist down after a diving board accident that severed his spinal cord at cervical spinal nerve 5. After spending 14 months recovering in a hospital, he returned to medical school, graduating to become a psychiatrist involved in the creation of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders III in 1980. He joined the Carter administration in 1978 as a director of psychiatric research, eventually becoming the speechwriter to Vice President Walter Mondale in 1980.
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Krauthammer embarked on a career as a columnist and political commentator. In 1985, he began writing a weekly editorial for The Washington Post, which earned him the 1987 Pulitzer Prize for Commentary for his "witty and insightful columns on national issues." He was a weekly panelist on the PBS news program Inside Washington from 1990 until it ceased production in December 2013. Krauthammer had been a contributing editor to The Weekly Standard, a Fox News Channel contributor, and a nightly panelist on Fox News Channel's Special Report with Bret Baier.
Krauthammer received acclaim for his writing on foreign policy, among other matters. He was a leading Neoconservatism voice and proponent of United States military and political engagement on the global stage, coining the term Reagan Doctrine and advocating for the Gulf War, Iraq War, and enhanced interrogation techniques of suspected Islamism terrorists."Charles Krauthammer." Contemporary Authors Online, Gale, 2014. Biography In Context. Accessed 22 June 2018.
Krauthammer attended McGill University in Montreal, graduating in 1970 with first-class honours in economics and political science.
Krauthammer was injured in a diving board accident during his first year of medical school. He sustained injuries that left him paralyzed from the waist down and required him to be hospitalized for 14 months. He remained with his Harvard Medical School class during his hospitalization, graduating in 1975. From 1975 through 1978, Krauthammer was a resident in psychiatry at Massachusetts General Hospital, serving as chief resident his final year. During his time as chief resident, he noted a variant of manic depression (bipolar disorder) that he identified and named secondary mania. He published his findings in the Archives of General Psychiatry. He also co-authored a path-finding study on the epidemiology of mania.C. Krauthammer and G. L. Klerman. "The Epidemiology of Mania", in Manic Illness, ed. B. Shopsin, New York: Raven Press, 1979.
In 1978, Krauthammer relocated to Washington, DC, to direct planning in psychiatric research under the Carter administration. He began contributing articles about politics to The New Republic and, in 1980, served as a speechwriter to Vice President Walter Mondale. He contributed to the third edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. In 1984, he was board certified in psychiatry by the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology.
In 1979, Krauthammer joined The New Republic as both a writer and editor. In 1983, he began writing essays for Time magazine, including one on the Reagan Doctrine, which first brought him national acclaim as a writer. Krauthammer began writing regular editorials for The Washington Post in 1985 and became a nationally syndicated columnist. Krauthammer coined and developed the term Reagan Doctrine in 1985, and he defined the U.S. role as sole superpower in his essay "The Unipolar Moment", published shortly after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989.
In 1990, Krauthammer became a panelist for the weekly PBS political roundtable Inside Washington, remaining with the show until it ceased production in December 2013. Krauthammer also appeared on Fox News Channel as a contributor for many years.
Krauthammer's 2004 speech "Democratic Realism", which was delivered to the American Enterprise Institute when Krauthammer won the Irving Kristol Award, set out a framework for tackling the post-9/11 world, focusing on the promotion of democracy in the Middle East.
Son Daniel is working on final edits for a book to be posthumously released, The Point of It All: A Lifetime of Great Loves and Endeavors, to be released in December 2018.
In 2006, the Financial Times named Krauthammer the most influential commentator in America, stating that "Krauthammer has influenced US foreign policy for more than two decades."
In 2009, Politico columnist Ben Smith wrote that Krauthammer had "emerged in the Age of Obama as a central conservative voice, the kind of leader of the opposition that economist and New York Times columnist Paul Krugman represented for the left during the Bush years: a coherent, sophisticated and implacable critic of the new president." In 2010, The New York Times columnist David Brooks said Krauthammer was "the most important conservative columnist." In 2011, former congressman and MSNBC host Joe Scarborough called him "without a doubt the most powerful force in American conservatism. He has been for two, three, four years."
In a December 2010, press conference, former president Bill Clinton – a Democrat – called Krauthammer "a brilliant man". Krauthammer responded, tongue-in-cheek, that "my career is done" and "I'm toast."
Krauthammer's other awards included the People for the American Way's First Amendment Award, the Champion Media Award for Economic Understanding from Amos Tuck School of Business Administration,
Krauthammer was appointed to President George W. Bush's Council on Bioethics in 2002. He supported relaxing the Bush administration's limits on federal funding of discarded human embryonic stem cell research. "Cell Lines, Moral Lines; Research Should Expand—With a Key Limit" by Charles Krauthammer, The Washington Post, Friday, August 5, 2005. Krauthammer supported embryonic stem cell research using embryos discarded by fertility clinics with restrictions in its applications. "Stem Cell Miracle?" by Charles Krauthammer The Washington Post, January 12, 2007. "Cell Lines, Moral Lines" by Charles Krauthammer The Washington Post, August 5, 2005. "Research Cloning? No." by Charles Krauthammer, The Washington Post, May 10, 2002. However, he opposed human cloning.Krauthammer: "The Great Stem Cell Hoax" by Charles Krauthammer, The Weekly Standard, August 13, 2001. He warned that scientists were beginning to develop the power of "creating a class of superhumans". A fellow member of the Council, Janet D. Rowley, insists that Krauthammer's vision was still an issue far in the future and not a topic to be discussed at the present time. "Bush's Advisers on Ethics Discuss Human Cloning" by Sheryl Gay Stolberg, The New York Times, January 18, 2002.
In March 2009, Krauthammer was invited to the signing of an executive order by President Barack Obama at the White House but declined to attend because of his fears about the cloning of human embryos and the creation of normal human embryos solely for purposes of research. He also contrasted the "moral seriousness" of Bush's stem cell address of August 9, 2001, with that of Obama's address on stem cells. "Obama's 'Science' Fiction" by Charles Krauthammer, The Washington Post, March 13, 2009.
Krauthammer wrote in The Washington Post on February 20, 2014, "I'm not a global warming believer. I'm not a global warming denier." Objecting to declaring global warming settled science, he contended that much that is believed to be settled turns out not to be so.
In "The Poverty of Realism" ( New Republic, February 17, 1986), he developed the underlying theory
The foreign policy, he argued, should be both "universal in aspiration" and "prudent in application", thus combining American idealism and realism. Over the next 20 years these ideas developed into what is now called "democratic realism."
Following the Cold War, Krauthammer penned an article entitled "The Unipolar Moment". Krauthammer coined the term unipolarity to describe the world structure that was emerging with the fall of the Soviet Union. Krauthammer predicted that the bipolar world of the Cold War would give way not to a multipolar world in which the U.S. was one of many centers of power, but a unipolar world dominated by the United States with a power gap between the most powerful state and the second most powerful state that would exceed any other in history. He also suggested that American hegemony would inevitably exist for only a historical "moment" lasting at most three or four decades.
Hegemony gave the United States the capacity and responsibility to act unilaterally if necessary, Krauthammer argued. Throughout the 1990s, however, he was circumspect about how that power ought to be used. He split from his neoconservative colleagues who were arguing for an interventionist policy of "American greatness". Krauthammer wrote that in the absence of a global existential threat, the United States should stay out of "teacup wars" in failed states, and instead adopt a "dry powder" foreign policy of nonintervention and readiness. Democratic Realism by Charles Krauthammer, American Enterprise Institute, February 2004. Krauthammer opposed purely "humanitarian intervention" (with the exception of overt genocide). While he supported the 1991 Gulf War on the grounds of both humanitarianism and strategic necessity (preventing Saddam Hussein from gaining control of the Persian Gulf and its resources), he opposed American intervention in the Yugoslav Wars on the grounds that America should not be committing the lives of its soldiers to purely humanitarian missions in which there is no American national interest at stake. The Path to Putin by Charles Krauthammer, The Washington Post, April 3, 2000.
Krauthammer's major 2004 monograph on foreign policy, "Democratic Realism: An American Foreign Policy for a Unipolar World", was critical both of the neoconservative Bush doctrine for being too expansive and utopian, and of foreign policy "realism" for being too narrow and immoral; instead, he proposed an alternative he called "Democratic Realism".
In a 2005 speech later published in Commentary magazine, Krauthammer called neoconservatism "a governing ideology whose time has come." He noted that the original "fathers of neoconservatism" were "former liberals or leftists." More recently, they have been joined by "realists, newly mugged by reality" such as Condoleezza Rice, Richard Cheney, and George W. Bush, who "have given weight to neoconservatism, making it more diverse and, given the newcomers' past experience, more mature."
In a 2008 column entitled "Charlie Gibson's Gaffe", Krauthammer elaborated on the changing meanings of the Bush Doctrine in light of Gibson's questioning of Republican vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin regarding what exactly the Bush Doctrine was, which resulted in criticism of Palin's response. Krauthammer states that the phrase originally referred to "the unilateralism that characterized the pre-9/11 first year of the Bush administration," but elaborates, "There is no single meaning of the Bush doctrine. In fact, there have been four distinct meanings, each one succeeding another over the eight years of this administration." "Charlie Gibson's Gaffe" By Charles Krauthammer, The Washington Post, September 13, 2008.
During the 2006 Lebanon War, Krauthammer wrote a column, "Let Israel Win the War": "What other country, when attacked in an unprovoked aggression across a recognized international frontier, is then put on a countdown clock by the world, given a limited time window in which to fight back, regardless of whether it has restored its own security?" "Let Israel Win the War" by Charles Krauthammer, www.realclearpolitics.com, July 28, 2006. He later criticized Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert's conduct, arguing that Olmert "has provided unsteady and uncertain leadership. Foolishly relying on air power alone, he denied his generals the ground offensive they wanted, only to reverse himself later."
Krauthammer supported a two-state solution to the conflict. Unlike many conservatives, he supported Israel's Gaza withdrawal as a step toward rationalizing the frontiers between Israel and a future Palestinian state. He believed a security barrier between the two states' final borders will be an important element of any lasting peace.Chester, Alexander (April 19, 2004; updated August 12, 2009) . The Commentator. at web.archive.org.. Retrieved October 26, 2013.
When Richard Goldstone retracted the claim 1 1/2 years after the issuance of the UN report on the 2008 Gaza war that Israel intentionally killed Palestinian civilians, including children, Krauthammer strongly criticized Goldstone, saying that "this weasel-y excuse-laden retraction is too little and too late" and called "the original report a blood libel ranking with the libels of the 19th century in which Jews were accused of ritually slaughtering children in order to use the blood in rituals." Krauthammer thought that Goldstone "should spend the rest of his life undoing the damage and changing and retracting that report."
The 9/11 attacks, Krauthammer wrote, made clear the new existential threat and the necessity for a new interventionism. On September 12, 2001, he wrote that, if the suspicion that bin Laden was behind the attack proved correct, the United States had no choice but to go to war in Afghanistan. "This Is Not a Crime, This is War" by Charles Krauthammer, The Washington Post, September 12, 2001. He supported the Second Iraq War on the "realist" grounds of the strategic threat the Saddam regime posed to the region as UN sanctions were eroding and of his alleged weapons of mass destruction and on the "idealist" grounds that a self-sustaining democracy in Iraq would be a first step toward changing the poisonous political culture of tyranny, intolerance, and religious fanaticism in the Arab world that had incubated the anti-American extremism from which 9/11 emerged.
In October 2002, he presented what he believed were the primary arguments for and against the war, writing, "Hawks favor war on the grounds that Saddam Hussein is reckless, tyrannical, and instinctively aggressive, and that if he comes into possession of nuclear weapons in addition to the weapons of mass destruction he already has, he is likely to use them or share them with terrorists. The threat of mass death on a scale never before seen residing in the hands of an unstable madman is intolerable—and must be preemptive war. Doves oppose war on the grounds that the risks exceed the gains. War with Iraq could be very costly, possibly degenerating into urban warfare."
He continued: "I happen to believe that the preemptive war is correct, that the risks of allowing Saddam Hussein to acquire his weapons will only grow with time. Nonetheless, I can both understand and respect those few Democrats who make the principled argument against war with Iraq on the grounds of deterrence, believing that safety lies in reliance on a proven (if perilous) balance of terror rather than the risky innovation of forcible disarmament by preemption." "What Good Is Delay?" by Charles Krauthammer, Jewish World Review, October 7, 2002.
On the eve of the invasion, Krauthammer wrote, "Reformation and reconstruction of an alien culture are a daunting task. Risky and, yes, arrogant." In February 2003, Krauthammer cautioned that "it may yet fail. But we cannot afford not to try. There is not a single, remotely plausible, alternative strategy for attacking the monster behind 9/11. It's not Osama bin Laden; it is the cauldron of political oppression, religious intolerance, and social ruin in the Arab-Islamic world—oppression transmuted and deflected by regimes with no legitimacy into virulent, murderous anti-Americanism." Krauthammer in 2003 wrote that the reconstruction of Iraq would provide many benefits for the Iraqi people, once the political and economic infrastructure destroyed by Saddam was restored: "With its oil, its urbanized middle class, its educated population, its essential modernity, Iraq has a future. In two decades Saddam Hussein reduced its GDP by 75 percent. Once its political and industrial infrastructures are reestablished, Iraq's potential for rebound, indeed for explosive growth, is unlimited."
In a speech to the Foreign Policy Association in Philadelphia, he argued that the beginnings of democratization in the Arab world had been met in 2006 with a "fierce counterattack" by radical Islamist forces in Lebanon, Palestine, and especially Iraq, which witnessed a major intensification in sectarian warfare. Past the Apogee by Charles Krauthammer, Foreign Policy Research Institute, December 2006. In late 2006 and 2007, he was one of the few commentators to support the troop surge in Iraq. "In Baker's Blunder, a Chance for Bush" by Charles Krauthammer, The Washington Post, December 5, 2006. "The Surge: First Fruits" by Charles Krauthammer, The Washington Post, April 13, 2007.
Krauthammer's attachment to Judaism was strengthened through his study of Maimonides at McGill University under David Hartman. Krauthammer said, "I had discovered the world, and was going to leave all of this Judaism behind, because I was too sophisticated for it. And then in my third year I took Hartman’s course in Maimonides, and I’m thinking this is pretty serious stuff. It stands up to the Greeks, stands up to the philosophers of the age, and it gave me sort of a renewed commitment to and respect for my own tradition, which I already knew, but was ready to throw away. And I didn’t throw it away as a result of that encounter."
Krauthammer stated that "atheism is the least plausible of all theologies. I mean, there are a lot of wild ones out there, but the one that clearly runs so contrary to what is possible, is atheism".
Krauthammer opposed the Park51 project in Manhattan for "reasons of common decency and respect for the sacred. No commercial tower over Gettysburg, no convent at Auschwitz, and no mosque at Ground Zero. Build it anywhere but there."
On October 21, 2005, Krauthammer published "Miers: The Only Exit Strategy", "Miers: The Only Exit Strategy" by Charles Krauthammer, The Washington Post, October 12, 2006. in which he explained that all of Miers's relevant constitutional writings are protected by both attorney–client privilege and executive privilege, which presented a unique face-saving solution to the mistake: "Miers withdraws out of respect for both the Senate and the executive's prerogatives." Six days later, Miers withdrew, employing that argument:
The same day, NPR noted, "Krauthammer's scenario played out almost exactly as he wrote." "Conservative Columnist's Miers Plan Played Out" NPR. Columnist E. J. Dionne wrote that the White House was following Krauthammer's strategy "almost to the letter". "Conservatives Will Regret the Miers Withdrawal" E.J. Dionne. A few weeks later, The New York Times reported that Krauthammer's "exit strategy" was "exactly what happened" and that Krauthammer "had no prior inkling from the administration that they were taking that route; he was later given credit for giving the Bush administration a plan."
Pfeiffer continued to maintain that returning the bust was "not something that President Obama or his administration chose to do," let alone "a symbol of President Obama's failure to appreciate the special relationship"—a charge that had gained currency after an Obama administration official told The Sunday Telegraph "There's nothing special about Britain. You're just the same as the other 190 countries in the world" in 2009. Finally, Obama recounted in 2016 that he made the decision to return the bust of Churchill to make room for a bust of Martin Luther King Jr., thus contradicting previous White House denials that he had been involved, and refuting contemporary news reports stating Churchill had been replaced with a bust of President Abraham Lincoln. Obama explained his reasoning: "As the first African American president, I it might be appropriate to have a bust of Dr. Martin Luther King in my office."
Krauthammer was Jews, but described himself as "not religious" and "a Jewish Shinto" who engages in "ancestor worship". He was influenced by his study of Maimonides at McGill with Rabbi David Hartman, head of Jerusalem's Shalom Hartman Institute and professor of philosophy at McGill during Krauthammer's student days.
Krauthammer was a member of the Chess Journalists of America and the Council on Foreign Relations. He was co-founder of Pro Musica Hebraica, a not-for-profit organization devoted to presenting Jewish classical music, much of it lost or forgotten, in a concert hall setting.